Saturday, March 21, 2009

I AM The People

Back in the seventies, when I was neck-deep in the prison movement, I was sent at one point to ask to see a particular prisoner at Leavenworth Federal Penitentiary. I was a minister at the time in a church that had been founded in the federal prison system. It had been recognized in court as a church and therefore, under the First Amendment of the U.S. Constitution, prison authorities had to allow our ministers access to any prisoner anywhere (even in solitary confinement) for whom we were the "chaplain of record." I was Joseph Harry Brown's chaplain of record and, by law, they had to admit me. Needless to say, it was some dance we were all doing.

I would show up, ask to see a prisoner, be denied, and our lawyers would take the case to court. Then the USP administrators would move the prisoner to another joint (making the case moot because the prisoner would now be located in a different judicial district) and the process would begin again. Nevertheless, it had to be done to force the issue.

I was pretty nerved out when I got off the bus in front of Leavenworth. I was alone. I was dressed in white with the crest of the church over my heart. And I was afraid they were going to arrest me for something, put me in jail, and have me killed. I knew well that far weirder and more illegal things were happening behind bars and I knew we had their backs to the wall.

As I entered the prison, I heard the whispers. "She's here." "She's here." "She's here." And I could see a prisoner pushing a broom around far down a hall behind a set of bars, a prisoner I had no doubt was down there expressly to carry the reports of whatever happened deeper into the institution to the prison population at large who knew perfectly well what I was up to.

When I asked to see Brown, I was sent to an adjacent waiting area where I was soon joined by the Chief of Classification and Parole, a notorious man who walked with a limp and got his kicks sending men to the hole.

"You're not seeing Brown, so you might as well leave," he began.

I assured him that I knew my Constitutional rights and that I was going nowhere until I saw Brown. He assured me in return that he would have me removed from the premises at the close of the business day. And then he did it. He flipped my switch. His smile looked more like a sneer as he said chumily, "Let's face it. I know why you're here and you know why I'm here. So you might as well give it up for today."

"I don't know if you know why I'm here or not," I replied steadily without missing a hitch. I was well into overdrive and came to accomplish something before I left, even though I knew I had come all the way to Leavenworth to be turned away. But he desperately needed a little tweak on the nose and I was just the one to do it. I flashed on all the guys languishing in the darkest belly of that beast because of this man, looked him dead in the eye, and said matter-of-factly, "Actually, I'm here to inform you that you've been tried and found guilty of crimes against the people, for which you will be held accountable at a later date."

"Tried?!?" he squawked. "By what court?"

"The court of the people," I responded, my face dead serious.

And he came unglued. As far as I know, he spent the entire afternoon unglued because not only did his face go blood-red as he rushed out the door sputtering about how I better be gone at 4:00, but when he returned at 4:00 with six of the biggest men I'd ever seen to carry me out of the building, his face was still blood-red, he had spit collected in the corners of his mouth and he was shrieking at what I can only presume was the top of his lungs. The goons deposited me on the concrete steps in front of Leavenworth, for which I was grateful. While being carried out at shoulder height, I had feared they were going to throw me down the stairs -- and there were a lot of them.

The Chief (and yes, I remember his name) stood like a dwarf in the middle of his troops, screaming that I better never come back to Leavenworth again -- or else. I stood back far enough that I was confident at least some of the prisoners would be able to see me, threw my right fist in the air, and belted out in my biggest stage voice, "I'm leaving, but we WILL return and we will KEEP returning until every man in this prison is free."

A couple of days ago, a man who once did time in Leavenworth sent me the following poem written by Carl Sandburg in 1900. It reminded me of the story I just told you, which is one of my favorites, actually. Sandburg had only been dead several years when I walked up the steps at Leavenworth to deliver a message I didn't even know I was carrying. And I never read this poem before I received it the other day. But I'd like to think that old Carl was whispering in my ear that day back in 1973. I mean, Carl Sandburg and I and you and...well...all of us ordinary humans make up a body so strong, we cannot be denied. Now if only we all knew it.

I AM THE PEOPLE, THE MOB

by Carl Sandburg

I AM the people -- the mob -- the crowd -- the mass.

Do you know that all the great work of the world is done through me?

I am the workingman, the inventor, the maker of the world's food and clothes.

I am the audience that witnesses history. The Napoleons come from me and the Lincolns. They die. And then I send forth more Napoleons and Lincolns.

I am the seed ground. I am a prairie that will stand for much plowing. Terrible storms pass over me. I forget. The best of me is sucked out and wasted. I forget. Everything but Death comes to me and makes me work and give up what I have. And I forget.

Sometimes I growl, shake myself and spatter a few red drops for history to remember. Then -- I forget.

When I, the People, learn to remember, when I, the People, use the lessons of yesterday and no longer forget who robbed me last year, who played me for a fool -- then there will be no speaker in all the world say the name: "The People," with any fleck of a sneer in his voice or any far-off smile of derision.

The mob -- the crowd -- the mass -- will arrive then.
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The Ricardo Levins Morales poster featured above is available from the Northland Poster Collective.

Sunday, March 15, 2009

What It's Like To Be Me

I haven't blogged for two weeks now. Like I'm telling you something you don't already know. But I still call myself a "blogger." Or at least I say, "I've been blogging on race for more than three years..." whatever that's supposed to mean.

And I don't have the juice tonight to write anything that requires thought of any kind. But it occurs to me that there are reasons for this. And even if I'm not holding up my end of our bargain right now, the least I can do is tell you why.

In the last three days, I read eight articles for a sexuality course I'm teaching; watched three videos on the sexual trafficking of minors to choose the right one for a Social Problems course; did considerable work on an Introductory Sociology reader that has to be finished by Friday, if at all possible; finished a Powerpoint presentation on in-your-face women I'm expected to offer in the Student Union theater on Wednesday; tried to generate some financial support for my friend who works with street kids in Haiti; and met separately for an hour each with a Latina woman, an African-American woman and an African-American man -- all students, all struggling not to drop the ball, despite monumental difficulties in their lives. AND I just wrote Black Panther Albert "Cinque" Woodfox a letter about the birthday party we had for him on the 19th of last month -- complete with birthday cake and a showing of a movie about why he's been in solitary confinement for thirty-six years for a crime he didn't commit.

In addition, of course, I had to show my fifty-pound dog some love because, believe me, he has serious mechanisms for impressing me with the wisdom of that practice, just in case I don't ante up. And in between, I cooked and did laundry and jog/walked whenever the rain let up enough and meditated in the woods on how even an ant has a role in the scheme of things on Planet Earth. From each according to its ability, to each according to its need...

Without all of us, we go down.
___________________________________________________________
The poster featured above is available from the Syracuse Cultural Workers Collective.

Friday, February 27, 2009

Are We Not Human?

After my post Wednesday (which took three days to write!), I don't have a lot of juice (or time) left this week for the post on human rights violations I'm committed to do on the 27th of every month. Still, I came across an article yesterday that is another aspect of what I got my butt in a sling for writing about elsewhere last month. I was writing about a local issue, of course, and yes, it was veeeeery pointed, but still it was not only true, but, as this piece by Michelle Chen demonstrates, children coast to coast in the United States are being similarly affected, as well.

Ignoring the effect on students of the social context in which badly underfunded public schools exist is just another way of insuring that poor children of color will not fully develop as whole individuals. It's like feeding them on bread and water and then putting them into foot races with youth whose nutritional needs have been completely met. And I would argue that those with the Power-to-Define know it full well. Which, in my book, makes it a human rights violation.

I see students of color, and most particularly African-American students, every day who are struggling because they are unprepared to meet the challenges of higher education. Invariably, they believe they are, for whatever reason, incapable. Not only do I do back flips in the attempt to assure them that they've been shoved into a trick-bag and CAN, in fact, still get out, I boldly offer to be their ally while they do it.

Public school education in schools that have been given short shrift needs to be a major recipient of any "stimulus package" funding over coming years. Investing in the education of humans who have been (and are being) left behind is not only appropriate, but crucial, if we want to climb out of the economic and social slough of despond into which we have fallen as a nation.

Wednesday, February 25, 2009

Mule Train!

MLK's Mule Train, Poor People's Campaign, 1968
As I wrote last week, I’ve been necessarily distracted of late because of being neck-deep in a personal political drama. Were I able to describe it here, you’d see why I’ve been distracted. And it’s 110% consistent with the topics you’re used to finding on this site. Suffice it to say that I wrote something elsewhere that was effective enough in pushing for social change locally that members of the White power structure tried to get rid of me. But I took a little trip this week-end that pushed my problems to the back burner and right off the stove. Buckle up, folks. This one’s gonna take the varnish off the woodwork.

About a year ago, I met and subsequently blogged about Antoinette Harrell and her work related to what some folks call re-enslavement and Harrell refers to as “peonage.” This week-end, I loaded into a troop of minivans with twenty-one other people and headed for the Mississippi Delta to see for myself. It was quite an education and the only way to do it justice will be to write more than I usually include in one post, maybe considerably more.

To set the stage for you, I’ll first outline the cast of characters Harrell assembled to take her first “Mississippi Delta Poverty Tour.” Harrell, being the typical director, is unapologetically frenetic, high energy, and demanding (almost too demanding sometimes), but when it comes to her passion –- going back to reach out to those who’ve been left behind –- she is meticulous in her planning, ruthless in her follow-through, and utterly committed to making sure her points are made. No one escaped her agenda or its effects. Dr. Ron Walters, eminent professor at the University of Maryland at College Park, scholar, author and Director of the African American Leadership Institute (the star of the show, obviously), even put in a call to the publisher of his next book –- on re-enslavement in the 20th Century –- asking that they hold publication until he can re-write the last chapter, based on what he learned on this trip.

Other players, besides yours truly, included Donna Owens, a firebrand free-lance journalist who was taping for National Public Radio, but who also writes for such print publications as Essence, Esquire, and O; Mae Walls Miller, who was herself trapped in slave-like conditions in Mississippi until 1962; a group of young Puerto Rican activists from Boston led by city planner Ines Soto Palmarin; her Sri Lankan colleague, Easwaran Selvarajah, also with the Boston Redevelopment Authority; a team of community organizers from New Orleans, including H.M.K. Amen, who is not only a lawyer, but the President of the New Orleans Association of Black Social Workers, and her mother, Millie Charles, the elder who crafted the strength-based model social work program at Southern University at New Orleans to train social workers to empower, advocate and transform through social change; a gaggle of high school and college students from Louisiana; and two crack photographers: Walter C. Black, Sr., who trails Antoinette wherever her work takes her, and Shawn Escoffery. Are you feelin’ this thing yet?
Boston City Planner & Gathering of Hearts co-founder Ines Soto Palmarin

The caravan pulled into Clarksdale, Mississippi (yes, the home of the blues) around 2:30 a.m. Friday night after running into Mardi Gras issues earlier in the evening. Antoinette had placed me in a van with Dr. Walters and Donna Owens, so we began a dialogue that consisted at that point primarily of laying groundwork and comparing notes, after I brought them up to speed on what I’ve learned about current life in The Deep South since moving here eighteen months ago. Dr. Walters lives in Washington, D.C., and Owens resides in Baltimore, though my sense is that she’s often on the road. While I was awe-struck –- and appropriately so, I think –- at finding myself paired in intense conversation with Walters, the following day he informed me casually that, after we arrived at the motel in Clarksdale, he found it necessary to write for an hour before he could go to sleep –- even knowing that Harrell would have us hitting the road again at 7:00 a.m. Saturday.

Saturday morning started with some tension over the fact that Mae Walls Miller decided not to leave the motel with the rest of us. She’s an older woman and I assumed that the rough nature of her first two decades of life probably made rising after a long trip and only four hours of sleep difficult at best. She set us straight during the reflections ceremony over dinner Sunday evening, but early Saturday, as Harrell was determined to stay on schedule, not to mention get and keep her ducks in a row, the rest of us wound up climbing into the vans too late to have breakfast. So, edgy with exhaustion and hunger, we headed for Lambert, a community of 1700 people in Quitman County, passing through the “town” of Marks, Mississippi, where Martin Luther King, Jr., organized the original mule train kick-off for his Poor People’s Campaign in 1968.

On the way, Walters and Harrell and I did the first of the day’s interviews on Radio Station KSYB, AM 1300, of the Amistad Radio Group out of Shreveport, Louisiana. I would have been frantic with fatigue and the lack of my morning coffee if it hadn’t been that Walters, even older than I am, was so infinitely elegant in his comments –- and I didn’t even know at that point that he’d had even less sleep than me. His intelligent and insightful analyses of racial and economic systems of oppression in this country and what we saw as the day went on drove me to taking notes over and over as he quietly spoke from the front seat and the miles sped by.

Lambert proved to be the prologue to what would come later. We were met by Pastor Gene Price and his wife, Linda, at their Union Grove Missionary Baptist Outreach Ministries food pantry. About sixty or seventy people huddled under and around the old building’s porch in a light drizzle. Some of them had come to get clothing the Boston contingency had gathered with help from students at Harvard University. Some had come to say their piece on the radio. And some had come in the hopes that U.S. Congressman Bennie Thompson (D-2nd District of MS) would show up, as he had committed to do.

Antoinette Harrell unloading truck at Outreach Center
Asked how many were descended from sharecroppers, virtually all of them raised their hands.

“I’m not ashamed to tell it,” 78-year-old Lambert native Evelean Heags said to me. “I had to quit school in the ninth grade to go to the fields. I planted cotton, chopped cotton, picked cotton, whatever you could do to cotton, I did it. I worked a plow just like a man. Then I got a job cleaning the credit union and I retired from there. Three of my five children died in tragic circumstances and now I’m helping to raise my great-great-grandchildren.”

Ryalisyah, a beautiful nine-year-old girl with two pony tails sporting Jesus Loves Me barrettes, grinned up at me from the warm spot inside the front of her great-grandmother’s zippered sweatshirt. Asked what she wanted for her great-great-grandchildren, Heags didn’t hesitate.

“I want ‘em to have better than me,” she declared firmly. “First, I want ‘em to get a good education. I worry about that because the teachers here just walk in off the street, looking for a paycheck. And when the children come home needing help with their schoolwork because they’re just being handed papers in school, it hurts when you can’t help ‘em.”

Heags barely took a breath before she continued. “After they get an education, though, they need jobs -– good jobs, paying a good wage, not far away, but near to here.”

This sentiment reflected what others expressed as well there in the early morning hours at the Outreach Center. When I suggested that some folks don’t understand why they don’t just leave the area, which they’d already explained has no doctor, no grocery store, and no jobs, they seemed almost surprised.

“This is my home,” several said in one voice. “This is where I was born and grew up. This is where I’ve always been.”

And I was caused to wonder just how deep their roots go into the cotton fields that still exist, how many generations of their ancestors had been born and died within walking distance of the building where we now stood. I was even caused to remember how, on the continent of Africa, a family might serve a given community in a particular role for not only decades, which we find admirable, but for as much as 700 years, as I once heard about one case.

Bennie Thompson did not attend the event, after all. He sent his aide, Samuel McCray, wearing a blue jean jacket and a wool beanie with an Obama logo on the front, but after several minutes of speaking political-ese into the various videocams and microphones, McCray said something about thanking Ronald Reagan for some policy or program or other. My attempt to smother a laugh didn’t escape Ron Walters, whose face remained implacable with only a hint of raised eyebrows as he turned and caught my eye.

Later, when Donna Owens was taping McCray, I walked up just in time to hear her say, “Let’s cut to the chase…what legislation has Congressman Thompson introduced in recent years that would have helped these people in some meaningful way?”

McCray never flinched. Wearing a tight little smile, he pondered the question for a good moment. “Well…” he began. “Uhhhm…uh…”

His eyes, squinting softly in concentration, looked this way and that, as if he thought a cue card might magically appear any second to save him. Finally, he gave up. “You have to understand,” he said without the chagrin I would have expected under the circumstances, “I’m a field rep…”

Once I got home, I went on-line to explore what had happened to the Garanimals factory that was mentioned that morning in passing. What I found was the connection I didn’t make while in Mississippi, but probably should have.

Garan, Inc., most famous for its Garanimals line of children’s clothing and owned since 2002 by Warren Buffett’s Berkshire Hathaway division, was incorporated in 1957 and built its factory in Lambert in 1961. In 1964, the Lambert facility was doubled in size. In fact, of Garan’s original eleven factories, seven were in rural Mississippi. By 1985, Garan had expanded to twenty factories, all of them in very poor southern or western states, where the labor force was hungry –- ready and willing to work longer and harder for less.

By 1984, however, Garan had been through some economic changes and had begun to read the writing on the wall. The wave of the future, it was apparent, would be in moving even further south, so they began their migration to Central America ahead of the pack. NAFTA, of course, was signed in 1994, increasing the acceptability of such a move, and in 1995, the Lambert plant was closed. It wasn’t just the Lambert plant, either. In fact, Mississippi had 41,000 textile jobs in 1992. A decade later, 29,500 of those workers were more or less permanently unemployed.

The Mayor of Lambert, Reginald Griffin, is a real piece of work. He’s a big man – tall and hefty – a small town godfather type without, it would seem on the surface, at least, any commitment to need-meeting. Sporting an upscale athletic suit and a NRA ball cap, he was almost a caricature of a small town official in a poverty-stricken community and I kept waiting to see why folks would vote for him. Then it occurred to me. We were not seeing at the Outreach Center the constituents who had voted him in.

Lambert is still surrounded by fully operational cotton fields. The only difference is that the work is now done almost entirely by machines. Sidney Wilhelm’s book Who Needs the Negro?, published originally in 1900, suggested that with labor intensive businesses turning to machines, the African-American worker would be increasingly out of luck. And so they are in Lambert. The workers went straight from the cotton fields to the Garan factories, but as the factories closed down, the former field workers -– now displaced by technology –- entered an even darker period economically than they had known before.

Reginald Griffin is more like the house worker: Black, but lording it over his other brothers, convinced that he’s not like them, imagining, in fact, that he’s an honorary White man because he “deserves” to be. The principal of one of the local schools, Griffin is probably seen as a Black man who has “made it.” And indeed, he has, if you consider “making it” being a fat frog in a very tiny pond where most of the other frogs are nearly starving.

As an “honorary White man,” Griffin has to try harder. He must distance himself -– even in his own mind –- from those who are the struggling and suffering below him. Otherwise, he'll have to admit that the socially-constructed, political notion of ‘race’ marks him just as absolutely as any other African-American in the eyes of those he aspires to join –- or be.

So he not only refers to Lambert as a “City of Hope,” but wasted no time on the air before he began reminding his listeners that when people help themselves, then they will receive the help they ask for. And not, apparently, before, no matter how devastated they have become or how powerless they are to affect the social structures that have devastated them.

Mayor Griffin accompanied our troop to the next stop on the tour, the home of a couple in their twenties and their two young daughters. The family, who we'll call the "Jacksons", live in a house left to them by a grandmother and its condition is beyond deplorable. Unable to pay even the taxes on the property, they have operated for years on the cusp of complete disaster, but when "Bill Jackson", a high school educated man with carpentry skills, lost his job six months ago, they descended into a despair so deep, they cannot see even the tiniest point of light toward which to aim.

The first house we visited, Lambert, MS
Griffin, who did not know we were going to visit this home, unquestionably knew of the house’s existence. In a different location, perhaps, the State would have long ago taken the children, though it’s clear that the couple love their daughters very much and, with the help of relatives, strive to provide a semblance of home even in hell. And hell it is.

The front porch is loose boards criss-crossed over other loose boards, so that approaching the front door is rather like following Indiana Jones into a cave. The living room floor bounces when you walk on it and slants heavily to one side, so we had to make sure we distributed ourselves in a circle to prevent the house from crashing onto its side. Window glass appeared to be catch as catch can. One entire wall and part of the ceiling was covered by plastic and the fuse box lay bear in one corner like an avant garde wall sculpture. There was virtually no protection from the cold and little from rain, I suspect.

Mayor Reginald Griffin (in back) in the "Jackson's" living room

Even so, the ancient carpet was swept, a stuffed animal perched jauntily on the center cushion of a lint-free and mostly unspotted couch, and large brightly colored still lifes covered major portions of two walls. The young couple were gracious, if somewhat embarrassed, hosts, answering questions of their overwhelmed guests. Then, we started taking turns looking into the adjoining room in the middle of the house.

Basically, it was like a dungeon, but not like a dungeon you might see in a movie (my only experience with such places), a real dungeon, complete with almost utter darkness and damp. Every surface in the entire room was black with mold. And, from what I could tell, they must traverse this space to get to any place else in the house. As I lifted the curtain back to look into the room, Shawn Escoffery turned on a camera light at my shoulder. “You’ll need this to see,” he said. And the wan light cast an eerie glow over an image I will live with for the rest of my life. Each of us approached and then turned, visibly rocked to our pins.

Students inside the house
I could barely breathe. My stomach was flipping and, though I tried hard not to burst into tears, I was beginning to cry. Moving back into the drizzle in the front yard so that the students could come in, I found Mayor Griffin standing on the sidewalk. I did not trust myself to speak to him or even to look in his direction for fear I would slap his over-satisfied face. It was only later that I learned he was busy saying things like, “I should have had this place torn down long ago, but I felt sorry for the family” and “Look at that car they have” (an unspectacular little sedan), “they want to live this way.”

I’ll be amazed if he lets the little house stand another month now that people from outside the community have seen it, but Pastor Price and his congregation, who already paid the back taxes and saw to the official delivery of the deed to the couple, will protect the little family. And Antoinette Harrell is waiting in the wings, as well, to see what happens next.

At this point in the process, Harrell finally allowed her motley, exhausted, hungry and horrified crew a quick stop at a fast food joint before dragging us all on down the road to yet another manifestation of the on-going effects of the peculiar institution of slavery in The South.

On route to our next stop, Harrell broke out her cell phone once more and hooked the van to KSYB, poised to broadcast Walters, Harrell and me live for an hour to half million listeners around the world. Needless to say, by now we all had plenty to talk about. As we passed the phone around our tiny circle, we built on each other’s ideas in a seamless albeit extemporaneous presentation.

Dr. Walters started by discussing how money flows, where and to whom, so that those who are shut out to begin with, having no computers, no libraries, and substandard educations, stand on the sidelines of life as we know it, uninvited to participate in community decision-making by insensitive political and social administrative power structures at every level who do not have their best interests at heart. Walters challenged the listeners to consider what they might do to make a difference in the way power and money is distributed and used in the United States.

“There is a $787 billion stimulus package being allocated right now,” he reminded us, “and this money can come into the community, even communities such as the ones we’ve been visiting, but if we don’t act immediately, this moment can pass us by. Lambert, Mississippi, and other communities just like it, need multi-service centers to organize processes and make available funds and other resources to bring them into full parity with the rest of the citizens of the United States. The people we’ve been talking with today are the products of 19th Century, 20th Century, and now 21st Century slavery. As we consider and address the new economic crisis affecting so many in our country today, we must include these who have been left behind.”

“What if we demanded to be heard by our leaders?” Walters continued. “President Barack Obama has established an office to set policies related to poverty. Perhaps we could see this as him saying to the rest of us, ‘Make me do it. Make me do what needs to be done. I am responsible to you and I want to do it, but you have to make me.’ Forty years ago, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., set out from Marks, Mississippi, with a mule train, setting in motion a national Poor Peoples’ Campaign to force Washington to respond to the needs of ordinary Americans. Unfortunately, this important effort was derailed by his untimely death. Perhaps it is time to act on his call.”

I picked up the thread.

“We must remember,” I began, “that European-Americans, what most folks call ‘White people,’ were heavily involved in King’s original Poor Peoples’ Campaign, too. The fact is that poverty, as we are increasingly learning, is not a Black people’s problem. But more importantly perhaps, institutionalized racism is not a Black people’s problem either; it’s a White people’s problem. We have the power to do something about it and until we do, the nation will never fulfill its potential. Worse, until we band together as one citizenry, we will all see our problems as individuals and as a society deepen.”

By the time we wound up the broadcast, Antoinette Harrell was calling for listeners to begin the work of organizing a March on Washington. And as ambitious an undertaking as that would be, riding down the highway in the rain through the Mississippi Delta, processing the experiences of the day, it not only didn’t seem to be an overly dramatic suggestion. It seemed to be a no-brainer.

Pulling into our next community did nothing to change our minds. Anguilla, Mississippi, in Sharkey County, with a population of about 4,000, is not only larger than Lambert, but at first glance, infinitely more prosperous. Still, the “better” houses mask the substantial long-term, bottom-of-the-barrel pocket of poverty Pastor Edward Griffin of Integrity International Ministries guided us to. A man who joined the military and subsequently returned, having seen and been a part of a much larger world outside, but with a heart for the people of the Delta, Griffin is everything his counterpart of the same last name in Lambert is not. He’s knowledgeable, articulate, and a committed community leader. But he’s not the Mayor. The Mayor of Anguilla is White.
Dr. Ron Walters (center) talks with Pastor Edward Griffin (left)
“The last Mayor was a Black woman,” we were told, “but she looked down on [these people], so they elected a White Mayor.” One can only assume the kind of smarmy okey-doke the present Mayor laid before the voters to charm them into giving him the position. We drove by his house literally just around the corner from the broken down porch where we were standing and it was a lovely and large brick home surrounded by a wooden fence and with a tree house in the back much sturdier and more attractive than the family homes we had just left a block away and visible from his yard.

In Anguilla, we toured the home of a single mother and head of household who has been caught for years in an on-going process of off-again/on-again underemployment and lay-offs. She’s been diagnosed with both anxiety and depression and, as is so often the case, the downward spiral of panic, fear, and intergenerational sorrow is evident in every corner of her disheveled home with its decades of ground-in dirt, its ceilings thick with spider webs and mold, and rust brown water splashing out of its faucets.

Asked about her hopes and dreams for her children, young mother gave the stock reply, “Better than what I’ve had.” But they've never known anything different, I thought to myself. How can they find the door to a future they can’t even envision?

Two young men hanging out next to a trailer in Glen Allan, the next community we visited and the smallest one yet, gave at least a partial answer to my question. At twenty, both young men wanted something more. Both had received vocational training at a job training facility in the region, but one had found a job and the other had not. The one employed sported a fresh haircut and newer, cleaner clothes and he’s already enrolled at the Community College, too. The other one, shaggy haired and wearing a seriously tired old t-shirt, seemed stuck.

It didn’t take much to recognize Glen Allan as the slave community of a now long distant plantation era. Tucked between Lake Washington and a cotton field, it has no Mayor and it’s not even incorporated, at least partly because incorporation would bring increased taxation to White property owners who don’t want to be responsible for providing services to the other local residents, most of whom are poverty-stricken and Black. Water and electric bills run high, even very high, because of poor insulation and leaky pipes. And former sharecropper Julius Chaney, Jr., told us that, as rough as the homes look now, they used to be “really bad, but people lived in them, too.” Of course, that was back when Chaney and the others were being paid only $80 for putting in an 80-hour week in the fields.

Antoinette Harrell & Dr. Ron Walters talk with residents of Glen Allan
Limp and somewhat mind-blown by now and still a two-hour drive away from dinner, we stood, nevertheless, in the drizzle that had dogged us all day, talking to yet another group of volunteers, eager to tell us about their worlds –- past and present –- and their hopes, despite all, for the future. In a nutshell, they need jobs. In fact, they assured us that, as hard as field work had been –- and they had all done it –- they would return to the backbreaking labor in a heartbeat to earn a paycheck. Having no prospects elsewhere, little education, few skills, and no money to move, they live in a holding pattern, as it were, waiting for a signal that they have not been forgotten by Divine Providence or a society that has seemingly abandoned them.

It’s no wonder that at our reflection dinner the following afternoon, Mae Walls Miller shared that she hadn’t left her room Saturday because, even after the long trip, she just couldn’t bring herself to make the rounds with us.

“I know you didn’t understand why I wouldn’t go with you yesterday,” she said unapologetically through the microphone, “but I just couldn’t do it. You may not be able to imagine it, but I was even worse off than those folks and I couldn’t let the memories take me back there.”

Later on, when I kissed her cheek the way I do every time I see her, she whispered “I love you” in my ear the way she always does. Every time I think she’s only walking wounded, I re-learn that she’s a consummate teacher for any who will listen. She rode ten hours round trip to make the point that what happened to her as a Black woman in the United States was so horrific she still can’t get too close to those who suffer even similarly.

Still, one child at the Outreach Center in Lambert, a tall eight-year-old boy named Darius, carried the day in my heart. I asked him, “If you could tell the world out there one thing you feel about being an African-American boy, what would you say?”

He considered my question for a second or two, and then, looking up into my face with the smiling eyes of endless possibility, said clearly and distinctly, “I’m proud.”

He’s not ashamed, nor should he be, that his society has let him down. After all, poverty is violence, but it is not the fault of the victim against whom that violence is perpetrated. We need to make sure, however, before he is brought to feel differently about himself, life, his country, and us, that we welcome him into full citizenship in the nation of his birth, the land, as they call it, of the free.
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WANT TO HELP? Pastor Gene Price, who founded the Union Grove Missionary Baptist Outreach Ministries in Lambert, Mississippi, eight years ago, wants to start a boxing club for the boys in that area. If you want to help him and his wife, Linda, with this or any other project, please contact them at 662-326-6085 or 662-292-3294.

TO HEAR AN NATIONAL PUBLIC RADIO REPORT ON THIS TRIP: Visit WYPR News in Maryland

TO LISTEN TO A WEBLOG INTERVIEW ABOUT THIS TRIP: Visit Let's Talk Honestly.

NOTE: All photos above except for the one of Martin Luther King, Jr.'s mule train were taken by Walter C. Black, Sr.

Sunday, February 15, 2009

How Change Happens

I'm sorry I've been quiet. I spent two days at an African American Studies conference last week. Besides having my regular duties to perform. But the reason I didn't post was that I was pretty heavily distracted by a series of incidents and events that, to be honest with you, rocked my world somewhat.

I'm not at liberty to discuss it here, but suffice it to say I made the front page of two newspapers last week even though I was dodging reporters like a gandy dancer. My job has been more than a little threatened. My anonymity as a blogger is shot to hell. It's far, far from over and, in the middle of it all, a student of mine sent this video to the members of the sociology club I advise. Even though it's an hour long, I'm going to post it here because it's just that good.


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The poster featured above is by Ricardo Levins Morales and is available from the Northland Poster Collective.

Friday, February 06, 2009

More Cops -- THAT'S the Ticket!

The other day, I wrote about the fence, the net, and the ambulance as metaphors for different approaches to solving social problems. In today's New York Times, there's a graphic example of the "ambulance" approach: the possibility that the economic "stimulus" package being touted in Washington just now may carry a billion dollars worth of funding to hire more police officers on the local level.

On the surface, this looks like a great idea: more jobs (yay!), safer communities (yay!) -- I mean, what could be bad, right?

Except that, of course, if you happen to be Black or poor (and don't even think about being Black AND poor), the idea of 100,000 new cops in communities all over the United States doesn't immediately make you want to stand up and cheer. More police will mean more arrests. And we all know who is disproportionately likely to be arrested, right? More arrests will mean more African-Americans charged, tried, sentenced, and sent to prison -- regardless of innocence or circumstances. And that means more prisons. Which means more jobs (yay?). But also more tax dollars spent on corrections instead of on education and jobs programs.

The aftermath, then, will look like more Black women visiting their husbands and sons behind bars, more Black children without available fathers, more Black families losing incomes, increased Black community destabilization over both the short term and the long term (since Black men with felony convictions are virtually locked out of the employment market), and an even broader commitment to the perspective among the mainstream population that Black men in general, in fact, belong behind bars -- at all costs.

So there you have it. All in the name of "stimulating" our "economy." Slapping Black men into prison, then, becomes -- once again -- an "answer" to one of our social problems. And the African-American community makes the usual sacrifice. Funny how that keeps happening, isn't it?

Wednesday, February 04, 2009

Gee, Why Am I Not Surprised?

Last week, I got an email tipping me that one of the top three picks for chair of the Republican National Committee was Katon Dawson, a guy so racist, he wears it like a badge of honor. But before I could find the time to post about it, the Good Old Boys selected a man instead who just a week ago was brushed aside by the Washington Post as highly unlikely to get the nod. Why did the RNC choose former Maryland lieutenant governor Michael S. Steele? Well, this is his photo:

You do the math.

I tell my students all the time that politics is ALL about getting elected. And then, of course, staying elected. I tell 'em that if they can just get enough folks to call our local representatives to make the point that voting a particular way will get them unelected, they can have whatever they want. And you can take that to the bank...or the bailout...or wherever you want to take it. It's not about principles or values or even partisan politics. It's about that office -- and the power that goes with it.

What I don't tell 'em, though, is that IF they listen and get the hang of doing this broadly enough, things will shortly get crazy. I strongly suspect that the only reason the Powers-That-Be bother to court the people at all is that the people don't really try to hold politicians accountable after the fact. The excitement, it seems, is about the race and the election and then everybody goes back to their jobs, watches the Superbowl, and moves on with their lives till the next entertainment extravaganza. And those who wound up with a ticket to ride snatch up all that power (and all that money) and make hay while the sun shines.

But if folks start making noises like they're gonna make those with their hands in the kitty actually stop acting like fascists and start repairing the damage that's been done to our nation and our world, we might just find ourselves looking dead down the throat of some real live flame-breathing dragons with full-blown agendas of their own.

But I doubt that those of the darker hue who can be fooled into imagining that the RNC has their best interests at heart will catch the vision. So the RNC is right in that respect. Hopefully, that won't include too many people because just as being Black doesn't make you a criminal (no matter what the media suggests), being Black doesn't make you a hero either.

Sunday, February 01, 2009

The Fence, The Net, or The Ambulance?

As President Obama et al start looking at where to go from where we have wound up, I (needless to say) have two cents of my own I'd like to throw in, if anyone's listening. It's been suggested that there are two methods for dealing with social problems -- one focused on dealing with difficulties after the fact, the other focused on preventing the difficulties in the first place. These orientations have sometimes been typified by "the ambulance" and "the fence."

"The ambulance" is placed in the valley to pick up members of a community who have fallen from some particular social cliff or other. The ambulance is expensive, often state-of-the-art, technologically masterful, and always loud. But it is, after all, an ambulance. By the time it arrives on the scene, the damage, if you will, has already been done. Some broken, bleeding clump of what once was human lies moaning or dead on the valley floor, awaiting appropriate disposal. However rapidly the ambulance arrives, and however technologically impressive its expertise and equipment, those who have fallen are never the same after the fall; and the long stays in the hospital, specially trained personnel and treatment necessary long after the incident cost the community dearly both fiscally and socially.

"The fence," on the other hand, is built on the edge of the cliff, with its costs occurring before individuals fall. It's very difficult to determine after it's built whether or not it did any good. No one fell, but then maybe no one would have fallen anyway. Even when a community decides to build a fence, it's often built too short, too light-weight, and with holes in it. This is, in some ways, worse than having no fence at all because, since the fence sometimes works, it isn't possible to predict in advance when someone will fall through. This is particularly sad when it involves the community's children because they are, at least, born innocent and because they are the community's future one way or the other.

It has been said that the community will either "pay now or pay later;” that it will either build the fence at whatever cost is involved, or it will have to support forever the ambulance in the valley. Proponents of the fence lobby for a high, solid, deeply imbedded fence the entire length of the cliff and well maintained over time. Proponents of the ambulance counter that such a project would be far too expensive, and after all, most of the community members don't fall from the cliff. They admit that those who do fall cost the community a great deal, but in the end they're willing to risk those charges rather than to pay the other one earlier in the process.

Pro-fence supporters argue that it is not necessary for anyone to fall and that the ambulance costs far more in the end than the fence would have cost. Furthermore, they point out, some pro-ambulance supporters eventually buy stock in the ambulance company and benefit from its continuing use. Pro-ambulance supporters retort by calling pro-fence supporters unrealistic idealists who would bankrupt the community for the sake of a few individuals who probably would scale the fence and jump over anyway.

The upshot of this argument is that a badly built, poorly maintained and thus inadequate fence does, in fact, get erected, but as much money as it costs, lack of cohesive planning and shared commitment sabotage the effort. This makes it appear that the pro-ambulance supporters were right. So, more and more is ultimately spent on the fleet of vehicles to deal with the physical and emotional disasters which ensue year after year, involving increasing numbers of the cliff-dwelling community on a daily basis.

Eventually, the community members become so frustrated with the situation that they put up a safety net between the cliff and the valley floor. It doesn't catch everyone who falls, but it's easier to maintain than the fence and cheaper in the long-run than the ambulance. It serves some neighborhoods better than others because of its position, but it’s easy to sell to the community at large because the ones who vote tend to live in the neighborhoods most positively affected by the position of the net. Besides, who could argue against a mechanism that does, after all, catch some of those who fall?

Over time, so much attention, planning and expenditure go into this scattered approach that it's forgotten that a proper fence would retire both net and ambulance. So many private and public agencies become involved in the process of analyzing and evaluating and maintaining and interfacing, participating in the fence-net-ambulance dialogue, that the process sometimes takes precedence over the people the process was implemented to protect. And even more intricately problematical is the fact that the people who need the protection most are often not only those who fall. They are rather those who encounter more and more regularly the increasing numbers of broken, bleeding bodies (and psyches) in various stages of decay and recuperation, some of whom never fully recover, but crawl around on the valley floor and up the road to the community on the hill.

Capisce?

Tuesday, January 27, 2009

Albert Woodfox Is STILL Locked Down

Well, Faithful Readers, it's the 27th again and time to post on human rights. This month, I'm being reminded that the saga of Alfred Woodfox and the Angola 3 continues. Sigh.

Despite the fact that Woodfox' conviction was finally overturned last July (after more than thirty years in solitary confinement for a crime he didn't commit), the State of Louisiana is appealing (why am I not surprised?). Further, while he waits for his new trial, Woodfox (get this now) remains in solitary confinement...?!? There is a Facebook site and those folks are calling for supporters to spread the word about Woodfox and keep the pressure on about Wallace.

It's Albert Woodfox' birthday February 19th. I'mahna buy a t-shirt that says "I'm Albert Woodfox" to wear and send Woodfox a photo of myself wearing it. How about you?

Albert Woodfox
#72148
CCR, Lower A-13
Louisiana State Penitentiary
Angola, LA 70712 *

Herman Wallace
#76759
Elaine Hunt Correctional Center
Unit 5, E-Tier
PO Box 174
St Gabriel, LA 70776 *
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SAME DAY UPDATE: After I suggested this afternoon to the student organization I advise that we could have a birthday party for Albert Woodfox, one of the students sent me a link to this article posted today at the online version of Monthly Review. It's about Albert Woodfox and his co-defendants and the systematic practice of torture at Angola Penitentiary. My God. How do any of us sleep?
* These addresses have been updated, though they were different when this post was originally written.

History Lessons

If you've never been turned onto This Week in History, you might want to check it out. I learn plenty. For example, this week I learned that on this day in 1847:

"Several hundred citizens of Marshall, Michigan, helped former slaves escape to Canada rather than be returned to their 'owner' by bounty hunters. Adam Crosswhite and his family, escaped Kentucky slaves, were tracked to the abolitionist town of Marshall by Francis Troutman and others. Both black and white residents detained the bounty hunters and threatened them with tar and feathers. While Troutman was being charged with assault and fined $100, the Crosswhites fled to Canada. Back in Kentucky, the slaveowner stirred up intense excitement about 'abolitionist mobs' in Michigan."

I also learned that on this day in 1969:

"In Detroit, African-American auto workers, known as the Eldon Avenue Axle Plant Revolutionary Union Movement, led a wildcat strike against racist practices and poor working conditions at the Chrysler plant.

"Since the 1967 Detroit riots, black workers had organized groups in several Detroit auto plants critical of both the auto companies and the United Auto Workers union leadership. These groups combined Black-Power nationalism and workplace militancy, and temporarily shut down more than a dozen inner-city plants. The most well-known of these groups was the Dodge Revolutionary Union Movement, or DRUM. They criticized both the seniority system and grievance procedures as racist. Veterans of this movement went on to lead many of the same local unions."

See what I mean?

Thursday, January 22, 2009

Leonard Peltier Beaten In Prison

I just received the following email. If you don't know Leonard Peltier's story, now's the time to learn about this Native American man who has been imprisoned for decades for a crime even the FBI admits he did not commit. They claim they don't have to release him because he was originally convicted. Now they are apparently trying to kill him before he can be released on parole. Please pass the word and do what you can.

Dear Leonard Peltier Supporters,

I am so OUTRAGED! My brother Leonard was severely beaten upon his arrival at the Canaan Federal Penitentiary. When he went into population after his transfer, some inmates assaulted him. The severity of his injuries is that he suffered numerous blows to his head and body, receiving a large bump on his head, possibly a concussion, and numerous bruises. Also, one of his fingers is swollen and discolored and he has pain in his chest and ribcage. There was blood everywhere from his injuries.

We feel that prison authorities at the prompting of the FBI orchestrated this attack and thus, we are greatly concerned about his safety. It may be that the attackers, whom Leonard did not even know,were offered reduced sentences for carrying out this heinous assault. Since Leonard is up for parole soon, this could be a conspiracy to discredit a model prisoner. He was placed in solitary confinement and only given one meal, this is generally done when you won't name your attackers; incidentally being only given one meal seriously jeopardizes his health because of his diabetes.

Prison officials refuse to release any info to the family, but they need to hear from his supporters to protect his safety, as does President Obama. His attorneys are trying to get calls into him now. This attack on LP comes on the heels of the FBI's recent letter, prompting this attack by FBI supporters as an attempt to discredit LPas a model prisoner. Anyone who has been in the prison system knows well that if you refuse to name your attackers or file charges against them, then you lose your status as a victim and/or are given points against your possible parole and labeled as a perpetrator.

It is not uncommon, in fact is quite common, for the government to use Indian against Indian and they still operate under the old adage "it takes an Indian to catch an Indian." In 1978, they made an attempt to assassinate him through another Indian man who was also at Marion prison with LP. But Standing Deer chose to reveal the plot to him instead of taking his life in exchange FOR A CHANCE AT FREEDOM. When Standing Deer was released in 2001, he joined the former Leonard Peltier Defense Committee as a board member. He also began to speak on Leonard's behalf until his murder six years ago today. Prior to his murder, Standing Deer confided with close friends and associates that the same man who visited him in Marion to assassinate Peltier, had came to Houston, TX and told him that he had better stay away from Peltier and anything to do with him.

We are aware that currently, the FBI is actively seeking support for his continued imprisonment and also seeking support from Native People. So please be aware, and keep Leonard in your prayers.

The FBI is apparently afraid of the impact we are having. If they will set him up to blemish his record just before a parole hearing, what will they do when it looks like his freedom will become a reality? We need to make sure that nothing happens to him again!

Please write, call, or email President Obama, urging him to grant clemency to Leonard before it is too late. Call or write your congressional representatives. Do what you can to get the word out to insure that LP is receiving adequate medical attention for his injuries. Also call Canaan Federal Prison at 570-488-8000 and request that Leonard be treated with dignity and respect. I am asking you, supporters of Leonard and advocates of justice, to help. I don't know what else to do. Please Help! Thank you.

Betty Peltier
Solano Executive Coordinator
Leonard Peltier Defense Offense Committee

CONTACT:

Warden Ronnie R. Holt, Warden
USP-Canaan
U.S. Penitentiary
3057 Easton Turnpike
Waymart, PA 18472
Phone: 570-488-8000 Fax: 570-488-8130
E-mail address: caa/execassistant(at)bop.gov

D. Scott Dodrill, Director
Northeast Regional Office
Federal Bureau of Prisons
2nd & Chesnut Streets., 7th Floor
Philadelphia, PA 19106
Phone: 215-521-7301
E-mail: nero/execassistant(at)bop.gov

Harley G. Lappin, Director
Bureau of Prisons
U.S. Department of Justice
320 First Street, NW, Room 654
Washington, DC 20534
Phone: 202-307-3250 Fax: 202-514-6878

President Barack Obama
The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue NW
Washington, DC 20500
Comments: 202-456-1111 Switchboard: 202-456-1414 FAX: 202-456-2461

Sunday, January 11, 2009

Is Open Season Ever Going To Close?

I've been busy of late. Brought several major projects to fruition -- finally. Have done rather more socializing than is typical for me. Have a fifty-pound dog now named VooDoo who absolutely DEMANDS to be cuddled and played with (he's not a baby, he just acts like one). And, of course, I'm hard on the process of preparing for the new semester's classes. But all this isn't why I've been silent on the killings in New Orleans and Oakland this past two weeks. I just don't know what to say.

I'm horrified. I'm anguished. And I'm disgusted. I've seen these kind of incidents over and over all my life and increasing, it seems to me, as times goes on and I'm just out of angles to discuss them.

I mean, WTF?!!

Two more young African-American men lie in their graves. Families huddle together, heartbroken. But no one has been arrested. And authorities are talking about making a "complete" investigation. Not really investigating yet, you understand, from what I can tell. Just talking about investigating.

What's to investigate?

In New Orleans, 22-year-old Adolph Grimes III, having just arrived from Houston to celebrate New Year's Eve with his family, a man with no record, with a good job, and with a fiancee and 17-month-old son, was shot a total of fourteen times -- twelve in the back -- by nine (count 'em, nine!) "plain clothes" police officers at 3:00 a.m. that morning after discovering Grimes commiting the heinous crime of waiting in his car for his cousin. The police say Grimes shot first. Unfortunately, Grimes can't say. My question is, for starters, did they shoot Grimes in the back FIRST and then roll him over and shoot into his dead body two more times just on general principle or did they shoot him twice from in front and then gun him down in cold blood as a group while he was running for his life?

In Oakland, California, only a few hours later, another 22-year-old man, Oscar Grant, was detained and forced onto his face on the floor (for whatever reason) in a Bay Area Rapid Transit station, and then, while one BART cop held him down with his knee, Grant was summarily -- almost casually -- shot in the back at close range by another BART cop in full view of multiple witnesses, a number of which filmed the incident. Almost instantly, the media started positing excuses for the killer ("maybe he thought he grabbed his taser") and indictments of the victim ("Grant appears to have had a record"). What either of those two ideas has to do with the fact that one man has killed and another is dead is entirely unclear to me, but such excuses and indictments ALWAYS form the litany of responses to situations like this one. ALWAYS.

What bothers me most, though, is that when protesters in Oakland aggressively went to the streets eight days later, primarily because of the usual under-the-rug-sweeping process, all I heard on the news was how awful and inexcusable and wrong that was. "It's NEVER right to use violence!" declared one radio announcer on PBS before I hit a different button not to hear any more. While the man who killed Oscar Grant has been charged with nothing to date, dozens of the protesters were arrested and at least three charged for crimes against property. Does there seem to be a disconnect here somewhere?

Where is the media outrage at the senseless deaths of two young men, only the last two in a long, long line of such deaths of similar men? In fact, why aren't we ALL in the streets over this? If a young White man was shot to death by the police under specious circumstances every few weeks somewhere in this country, there would be noise (although, obviously, this is a meaningless analogy since this would never happen in the first place in a nation operating under the paradigm of White Supremacy).

When Ida B. Wells, forced this nation to face its culpability in the use of lynching as a means to oppress African-Americans, the Ku Klux Klan, apparently, just joined the police force, where it would be legal to do the same thing. Admittedly, a more or less clean kill doesn't have the extra drama (and satisfaction?) of a full-tilt boogie lynching, but it's just as effective as a means of social control and intimidation. And you don't have to hide your uniform in a closet or wear a hood either.

George Ciccariello Maher's Znet piece on the uprising in Oakland is the best thing I've read yet on this on-going outrage. But just writing about it isn't enough for me any more. And I don't know what to do. Jonathan Adams suggests calling the Bay Area Transit Authority and I do believe in speaking truth to power, but it just doesn't feel like enough for me any more.

The first open forum the student organization I advise is co-sponsoring this semester is on police brutality. I'm almost afraid to go for fear I'll wind up saying something that could cost me my job. And that's what I like least about institutionalized oppression. It doesn't just work on the targets. It works on us all. When will we finally get that and respond accordingly?
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UPDATE: Even though Johananes Mehserle has now been charged with murder for the killing of Oscar Grant, Color of Change is reminding us not to ease up on the pressure. The usual game plan is for the authorities to do only what they feel they absolutely have to do and only for as long as they have to do it. If they can string it out long enough, we get distracted, quiet down, and the matter "goes away." Color of Change writes:

"In 14 years as Alameda County District Attorney, Tom Orloff had never before charged a police officer for an on-duty shooting. And when asked, several legal experts were unable to come up with any examples of officer-involved shootings becoming murder cases in California...He said that 'because of the intense public interest I think more resources were put into wrapping this up than would be put in in other situations.' Orloff...poured investigative resources into this case that his record tells us he never would have otherwise. We need to keep the pressure on Tom Orloff to make sure he keeps devoting time and energy to Mehserle's prosecution."
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The poster featured above is available from the Northland Poster Collective.

Sunday, January 04, 2009

DREAM Act Action Now

More than a year ago now, some of us were talking about the DREAM Act and its ultimate dismissal by the Bush administration et al. But the DREAM Act is not dead, nor are its proponents. I received the following communication yesterday and have decided that it's too well done to pretend that I could do it any better. So, with minor modifications, let me introduce Maria M.:

"Hi,

"My name is Maria and I am a DREAM Act beneficiary. I arrived in this country at the young age of 12, with my parents, from Peru. I am now 21 years old and undocumented. I have grown up in the United States and consider this country my only home. If sent back to Peru, I would be banned from the U.S. for 10 years and the chances of coming back are slim to none. I graduated from high school in 2004 and since then, it has been difficult for me to continue my education as a result of my status. The DREAM Act would help me, and students in my situation, realize our dreams of becoming active members of society by allowing us to attend school or join the military.

"Currently, there is an active project on Change.org, a website that will present the top 10 ideas it generates to the Obama administration upon its inauguration. DreamACTivist.org has presented the idea "Pass the DREAM Act Now" and it has gathered enough support to make it to the second round.

"Starting January 5th, the voting polls will re-open for the second round. We will have only 10 days to gather as many votes and as much support as possible in order to become one of the top 10 ideas that will be presented to the Obama administration. Please help us achieve our goal and consider voting for the other immigration ideas that made it to the second round, as well, since they also need your support. This project is of extreme importance and your prompt participation is greatly appreciated.

"In addition, DreamACTivist and the United We DREAM Coalition will be launching a website on January 21 that will become a 65,000-name petition drive for the DREAM Act, signifying the 65,000 undocumented students that would benefit from this act each year. Please visit this site for more information and consider joining our efforts to make the DREAM Act a reality in 2009.

"In solidarity,

Maria M.
Co-Founder of DreamACTivist.org"

Thursday, January 01, 2009

A Bright New Year

So here we are, alone once more and at last. I am returned from New York City, where I heard Handel's Messiah at Carnegie Hall, visited the Tenement Museum in the Lower East Side, and discovered that my daughter's new Significant Other has this blog bookmarked on whatever it is he carries around with him (clever man!). I've traded the emergency furniture I lived with for so long for a lovely assortment of newer old furniture at a Furniture Exchange. I returned to find the latest edition of a rather fine African-American topics magazine in which I have not one, but TWO articles published. And I have somehow (I swear this is unclear to me) wound up the new best friend of a rather large brindle mutt I rescued yesterday afternoon from the local shelter only a few days short of a day he was not looking forward to and who will, I'm sure, answer to his name as soon as he has one. ("Anonymous" has been suggested. "Charlie" suits, but I date a man named Charles off and on. And "Buddy" came to mind, but that's SO plebian.) So, I'm feeling rooted and solid and happy and strong and ready, I guess, for what comes next (I write "I guess" because how does one ever know?).

Anyway, it is a new year. A year a new beginnings, we hope. A year of challenges, we suspect. What will I remember -- looking back -- about last year? That I was diagnosed diabetic (sigh) and threw myself into such a rigorous regimen, I lost nearly a third of my body weight, becoming a slender shadow of my former self, so close to the designation of "underweight" on the BMI scale, I've been ordered to stop losing (?!). That I was offered and accepted a permanent full-time Instructor position at a public university in a part of the country that originally scared the be-jezzus out of me. That I watched a cadre of younger folks catch my fire on that campus and organize themselves to implement social change in every imaginable direction and with great heart. That I was elected Third Vice President of a branch of the NAACP that is hunkered down against the forces of evil in that same location, having reawakened the dogs of war on segregation after fifty years of waiting for change. That Barack Obama, a dazzlingly bright and doggedly determined man of color was somehow inexplicably elected President of the United States, a nation increasingly recognized around the world for it's unapologetic commitment to the paradigm of White Supremacy. A busy year, indeed, laying much groundwork for an interesting one to come.

I've ordered my Amnesty International wall calendar for my office and my Women Artists datebook from the Syracuse Cultural Workers Collective. I've committed to make a presentation next week to a group of nearly one hundred mostly Black high school football players about how to prepare for and make it in college. I've committed to meet with the new Gay-Straight Alliance group on campus before classes begin. And I am ready for the games to begin.

So, as we say good morning to a New Era of commitment to change, I salute you, my Faithful Readers. I trust you, too, are shaking off the disappointments of the past, facing your personal realities with unabashed courage, looking squarely in the face of whatever you see that needs changing in this world and "jumping at the sun," as Zora Neale Hurston once said. Let's boogie on out and do it!




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The poster featured above is by Ricardo Levins Morales and is available from Northland Poster Collective.

Saturday, December 27, 2008

Am I Not Human?



I can't believe it's already the 27th again. I'm committed to posting about human rights violations on the 27th of each month. Sadly, it's never difficult to find an appropriate topic. In fact, there's usually a whole bunch of possible issues from which to choose. This month, since I'm in New York City visiting my daughter, I don't have time to write much, but these stories seem to me to be the most immediately crucial:

1) The Nation has reported that White vigilantes murdered African-Americans in the Algiers Point neighborhood after Katrina hit New Orleans two years ago. And Color of Change is trying to make sure the matter isn't just swept under the rug.

2) Top high school football recruit Billey Joe Johnson wound up shot in the head by a shotgun at a traffic stop in Lucedale, Mississippi, on December 8th. An independent investigation by the NAACP found that the incident was not a suicide, as had been originally suggested, but while it MAY have been an tragic accident, the family has hired the nationally-recognized Cochran legal firm to represent them.

Please forgive me for being so silent and so short this week.  I'll return after Monday and then I'mahna tear it up.