There are many ways to lynch a man. The one most people think of when they hear the word is by hanging. If you're more historically well-informed, however, you might know that -- in earlier periods -- it often involved more complicated and even ghoulish processes that left a body mangled and mutilated, all of which might have been accomplished in broad daylight in front of hundreds of White people who brought picnics and their children and showed up for the express purpose of enjoying the show.
We shudder to imagine such a thing today, though I would argue that any time a law "enforcement" officer kills a person (particularly a Black person) in cold blood without due process, it is, in fact, a lynching, no matter what they call it officially and whether or not there are any repercussions. The article I am re-posting today is about a different kind of lynching: the continued incarceration of a man who has spent the past 54 years just ninety-minutes up the road from where I live in Louisiana.
He committed the crime of murder in 1963 as a juvenile, a crime of which he was convicted and for which he was sentenced to life without parole, an option Louisiana uses at four times the national rate. But then, in 2016, the Supreme Court of the United States ruled that cases like his could end in release. Yet he still sits in Angola and I think he's being lynched. The story was reported by Aviva Shen in The Appeal in February and I am re-posting it here.
Louisiana Denies Parole to Man Behind a Supreme Court Ruling
Limiting Life Sentences For Children
by Aviva Shen/The Appeal, 2-21-18
Louisiana Denies Parole to Man Behind a Supreme Court Ruling
Limiting Life Sentences For Children
by Aviva Shen/The Appeal, 2-21-18
By all
accounts, 71-year-old Henry Montgomery is not the same man he was when he was
17. In 1963, Montgomery skipped school and encountered Charles H. Hurt, a
plainclothes sheriff’s deputy, in the woods. In a panic, he shot and killed
Hurt with his grandfather’s gun. A Baton
Rouge, Louisiana jury convicted Montgomery of murder and, after an initial
death sentence was voided, a judge sentenced him to life in prison.
During
his decades at Louisiana’s Angola Prison, Montgomery started a boxing club,
joined a church, and kickstarted a literacy program. He worked as a
silkscreener and won a number of awards for his job. Yet on
Monday, the Louisiana parole board voted 2 to 1 to keep
Montgomery in prison. Why?
“It was
Henry Montgomery,” said Kerry Myers, a spokesperson for the Louisiana Parole
Project, which represented Montgomery in the parole hearing. “I got the feeling
that if it was anyone else besides Henry Montgomery … maybe it would have
been different. Maybe the opposition would not have been as strong.”
That’s
because Montgomery successfully challenged his five-decade-old life without
parole sentence in a landmark 2016 U.S. Supreme Court
case. In Montgomery v. Louisiana, SCOTUS held that its
previous ruling (Miller v. Alabama), which declared mandatory juvenile
life without parole sentences unconstitutional, should be applied
retroactively. Montgomery’s retroactivity paved the way to freedom for
roughly 2,000 prisoners across the country sentenced as teenagers to life
without the possibility of parole. Three hundred are incarcerated in Louisiana.
“Prisoners
like Montgomery must be given the opportunity to show their crime did not
reflect irreparable corruption,” wrote U.S. Supreme Court Justice Anthony
Kennedy in the 2016 opinion, “and, if it did not, their hope for some years of
life outside prison walls must be restored.”
Even
after his Supreme Court victory, Montgomery spent two years fighting for a
chance at release and completing numerous prerequisites —such
as taking 100 hours of pre-release training and developing a certified reentry
plan — that Louisiana requires
before an inmate can even appear before a parole board.
The
decision to deny Montgomery’s parole Monday shocked juvenile justice advocates.
But it was also representative of the way Louisiana has skirted the Supreme
Court’s instruction to stop condemning children to die in prison.
The Court
held in Montgomery and Miller that such sentences should be
highly unusual. Because scientists now understand that the human brain does not fully mature
until a person is in his or her mid-20s, the ruling states, children
and teenagers have an immense capacity to change and become positive forces in
society, even if they committed heinous crimes in their youth. Therefore, only
“the rare juvenile offender whose crime reflects irreparable corruption” should
face life without parole, the Court concluded in Miller.
Louisiana
prosecutors, however, seem to believe that most of the juveniles they have
sentenced to life without parole are, in fact, irredeemable. The Louisiana
Center for Children’s Rights (LCCR) found that prosecutors are seeking to
reinstate life without parole sentences for more than one-third of the juvenile lifers eligible
for re-sentencing. As LCCR explained in a November press release, who gets a
juvenile life without parole (JLWOP) sentence and who is spared seems dictated
solely by the local district attorney’s preferences:
- The
rate at which DAs are seeking JLWOP varies by jurisdiction, suggesting
that a person’s fate can be determined by happenstance of location rather
than by their individual circumstances.
- Lafourche
Parish’s DA is not pursuing JLWOP in any of its five cases, while the West
Baton Rouge DA’s Office has filed in all four of its cases, and the 23rd
Judicial District in four out of five instances.
- In
2016, Caddo and Jefferson Parishes had roughly the same number of people
serving illegal JLWOP sentences. Caddo DA James Stewart has filed for
JLWOP in only one case, whereas DA Paul Connick has filed in 10 of 24, or
43%, of cases.
- Like
Jefferson Parish, other districts with the highest numbers of cases are
also seeking JLWOP at the highest rates. In East Baton Rouge Parish, DA
Hillar Moore is pursuing JLWOP at a rate of 42%. In Orleans Parish, DA Leon
Cannizzaro has filed notices in 44% of cases in his district.
“There
appears to be basically zero criteria being used to evaluate which case should
go forward,” said Jill Pasquarella, an attorney with LCCR.
Indeed,
because many of these cases precede current prosecutors by decades, Orleans DA
Leon Cannizzaro told the Times-Picayune in
November that “we’re basically just guessing on these cases.”
“We are
trying to make the best decision that we can without really seeing this
person,” he said. “I think it puts an unfair burden on the district attorneys.”
Despite
his complaint that DAs are ill-equipped to make these decisions, the Louisiana
District Attorneys’ Association (LDAA) successfully blocked legislation
last year that would have eliminated JLWOP entirely and put the decision in the
hands of the parole board. Because the organization killed the bill, “there’s a
practical burden that DAs are now placing on the courts and on public defenders
to now defend these cases and hear these cases,” Pasquarella said.
The state
must hold resentencing hearings for each case where the DA seeks to reinstate
JLWOP, clogging court dockets and costing
the state millions.
Meanwhile,
newly convicted teenagers are still facing life without parole sentences. Life
without parole remains the most common sentence for children convicted of
murder in Louisiana; LCCR found that 62 percent of those convicted since 2012
have been sentenced to die in prison.
Still,
the fight to get juvenile lifers in front of the Louisiana parole board may
ultimately be pointless if the parole board tasked with considering
their release denied relief to the man who made such hearings possible.
Montgomery’s
hearing reportedly focused on
the facts of his crime 54 years ago rather than the man he has become.
Ultimately, the board claimed it denied Montgomery parole because he had only
taken two classes during his time in prison (Montgomery’s attorney pointed out
that no classes were offered to lifers for the first 30 years of his
incarceration).
"No one said in that room that Henry was irredeemable or the worst of the worst, which is the criteria for keeping them in prison," Myers said.
According
to the Louisiana Parole Project, the board has denied parole to more than 50
percent of the juvenile lifers who have managed to get a hearing. If that trend
continues, another challenge could be in the works.
“The
underpinnings of Miller and Montgomery are more than just a
perfunctory hearing where you get to hope for release,” Pasquarella said. “If
applicants are going to the parole board and being summarily denied without
much process, or in great numbers, then that’s going to be a problem. That
raises the question, is the parole board hearing the meaningful opportunity for
release that the court had in mind?”
Meanwhile,
Montgomery’s long battle for freedom isn’t over. He can reapply for parole in
two years, though there’s no guarantee the board will grant him another
hearing. Still, “he handled it like he’s handled everything in the time he’s
been there — stoically,” Myers
said. “He’ll get another day.”
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