The Bride and Groom Jump the Broom...Anyway

I tend not to rat myself out too often on this blog. My identity, what I look like, my specific location, my place of employment, whatever -- it's become something of a principle with me to keep that stuff anonymous -- at least in theory. But since I've probably stood behind this fool in the line at the grocery store cash register, I'm breaking my stride this once to admit that Justice of the Peace Keith Bardwell of "I'm-not-racist-I'm-just-racist" fame lives in my neck of the woods.

That's right.

The guy everybody's talking about with such outrage all over the world is a bonafide Louisiana redneck and a registered voter in my Congressional district. I hardly know what to say except maybe, "See what I'm talkin' about?"

Keep in mind that I was writing this blog in a good-sized city in another state for two years before I moved here two years ago. So I didn't discover the socially-constructed, political notion of "race" when I came to the land of David Duke. But I was nervous about moving here, needless to say. I mean, nervous as in taking-the-Eracism-bumper-sticker-off-my-car nervous or don't-look-a-good-ole-boy-in-the-eyes-when-he's-drivin'-his-big-ole-truck nervous and good grief, yes! break-into-a-cold-sweat-when-driving-after-dark-down-a-country-road nervous. I hit town talking about the default position in this country being White supremacy and I was convinced I was going to wind up out in the woods somewhere nailed to a tree one night. But so far, so good.

Still, I wasn't surprised to learn that we made the morning news in all the time zones over the past couple of weeks thanks to Bardwell's refusing for the umpteenth time (that's the way we talk here in more or less rural Louisiana) to marry an interracial couple. He's been consistent with this practice as an elected official for 34 years now and it never caused a ripple before. Up until now, he'd just say no and the couples would go to a different Justice of the Peace. No problem, right?

But this particular time, for whatever reason, the couple in question (one Beth Humphrey and her fiance, Terence McKay, two local folks in love and old enough to know what they were doing) called Bardwell in need of a license and a ceremony. Bardwell's wife, doing her wifely duty of screening his calls, informed the blushing bride-to-be that Bardwell won't bind a Black person to a White person until death do them part (or they fall out of love, whichever comes first), so they'd need to go to a different judge. Humphrey hung up and the couple did eventually tie the knot in somebody else's living room.

After thinking it over, however, and receiving -- probably -- some flabbergasted input from friends and family, Humphrey and McKay started talking to lawyers and the media and the rest will now most certainly be a part of history. Bardwell has been shrugging for days.

He says he was told when he started the practice (34 years ago!?!) that it was going to get him into trouble. See, it's been illegal to discriminate against couples who want to marry across the color line since the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in favor of Richard and Mildred Loving (I swear) back in 1967, six years before Bardwell was first elected. His response at the time, the way he remembers it, was, "If I do get in trouble, I'll just resign." He's not racist, you understand. He just believes the couple won't stay together and the children will have a hard way to go. I guess the fact that the average marriage in the whole world -- in general --breaks up in four years would be startling to Mr. Bardwell since he worries about those things.

The way folks were going to treat my bi-racial daughter was one of the things my mother threw into the conversation mix when she discovered I was pregnant twenty-nine years ago and the father was (gasp!) African-American. She had already put her house up for sale, she said, because she couldn't face her friends anymore. When that failed to move me to remorse, her last ditch effort was to try to get me to give the baby -- like a puppy -- to a young Black couple at her church. I made it very clear to her that this was not going to happen. And it was then that she assured me (far too belatedly, I'm afraid) that she didn't personally have any problems with the situation; it was just that other people were not going to accept the child.

Eventually, she did accept my daughter and even her father, who deserved far better than my mother put him through. And today, of course, that child my mother found so problematic has her own apartment in Manhattan and is on her third junket out of the country on vacation this year at this very minute. Did some people torment her? Yes. Was she sometimes lonely? Yes. But she wound up doing better than most of us anyway. Which is one of the things some folks pointed out about Bardwell's concerns. When this mess hit the press, President Barack Obama was in New Orleans, serving as a pretty blatantly embarassing contradiction to Bardwell's contention that bi-racial children from broken homes do poorly.

In any case, Louisiana Governor Bobby Jindal called Bardwell's practice "outrageous". And in the same article, U.S. Sen. Mary Landrieu called the situation "deeply disturbing." And the ACLU of Louisiana hopped on the bandwagon in a minute, too, along with a barrage of civil rights lawyers who have offered the local NAACP branch pro bono services to ride Bardwell out of office on a rail after a tar and feather bath (I'm an officer and I know). But Louisiana Attorney General Buddy Caldwell*, in his usual inimitable fashion, before he decided yesterday to say "no comment" a little too late, went on record as saying that Bardwell doesn't have to marry anyone he doesn't want to and therefore there will be no reprimand, no investigation, and no sanctions or demand for resignation (this was in a local paper yesterday and the article has not been archived on-line, as yet).

The result, of course, is that Bardwell is just quietly waiting it all out. He's seen uproars over race before, I'm sure, and in the end, in his experience, in Louisiana, any change is superficial at best. This time, though, local leaders known for their unapologetic racism are running for cover. So Keith Bardwell may be retiring early (after 34 years of being as racist as he wanted to be), but it's really no biggie for him. He still won't have done what he didn't want to do. And like they used to sing in the jukes, "One monkey (or one good ole boy) don't stop no show."

Still, it's always fun to see the light come on and the cockroaches scuttle. So by way of sending my regards to soon-to-be-no-longer Judge Bardwell, here's a few photos. Enjoy!

Singer David Bowie & wife model Iman

Actor Cuba Gooding & his high school sweetheart Sara Kapfer,

now his wife & the mother of their three children

Heart transplant surgeon Dr. Robert Montgomery

& opera diva Denyce Graves

Golf phenom Tiger Woods & family

US Ambassador to the UN Susan Rice & husband Ian Cameron

Singer Seal & wife model Heidi Klum, pregnant with their second child
NYC Mayoral Candidate Bill de Blassio & family

Sammy Davis, Jr. & wife May Britt with baby in tow

Heavyweight boxing champion Jack Johnson & his wife Lucille

Richard & Mildred Loving, after the Supreme Court ruling in their favor

_________________________________________________________

*"Bobby" Jindal? "Buddy" Caldwell? What is it with these people? Didn't they ever grow up? Is keeping a childish-sounding nickname part of the good ole boy code of conduct? Oh, well. At least it makes 'em easy to recognize.

Leonard Peltier is Obama's Political Prisoner Now

For my third post this week, I'm reproducing Native American activist Leonard Peltier's letter of response after his "parole" was denied. I still don't understand why he needs to be "paroled" when the federal government admits they have never been able to prove he actually committed the crime for which he has served more than half his life in prison.

Now that Barack Obama is the President, I somehow imagined (silly me!) that some of these cases Amnesty International and other human rights organizations have drawn so much attention to would finally be reasonably addressed. Unfortunately not.

I first saw this letter as an email, but you can also find it on Counterpunch, if you like.

I Am Barack Obama's Political Prisoner Now

by Leonard Peltier

The United States Department of Justice has once again made a mockery of its lofty and pretentious title.

After releasing an original and continuing disciple of death cult leader Charles Manson who attempted to shoot President Gerald Ford, an admitted Croatian terrorist, and another attempted assassin of President Ford under the mandatory 30-year parole law, the U.S. Parole Commission deemed that my release would “promote disrespect for the law.”

If only the federal government would have respected its own laws, not to mention the treaties that are, under the U.S. Constitution, the supreme law of the land, I would never have been convicted nor forced to spend more than half my life in captivity. Not to mention the fact that every law in this country was created without the consent of Native peoples and is applied unequally at our expense. If nothing else, my experience should raise serious questions about the FBI's supposed jurisdiction in Indian Country.

The parole commission's phrase was lifted from soon-to-be former U.S. Attorney Drew Wrigley, who apparently hopes to ride with the FBI cavalry into the office of North Dakota governor. In this Wrigley is following in the footsteps of William Janklow, who built his political career on his reputation as an Indian fighter, moving on up from tribal attorney (and alleged rapist of a Native minor) to state attorney general, South Dakota governor, and U.S. Congressman. Some might recall that Janklow claimed responsibility for dissuading President Clinton from pardoning me before he was convicted of manslaughter. Janklow's historical predecessor, George Armstrong Custer, similarly hoped that a glorious massacre of the Sioux would propel him to the White House, and we all know what happened to him.

Unlike the barbarians that bay for my blood in the corridors of power, however, Native people are true humanitarians who pray for our enemies. Yet we must be realistic enough to organize for our own freedom and equality as nations. We constitute 5% of the population of North Dakota and 10% of South Dakota and we could utilize that influence to promote our own power on the reservations, where our focus should be. If we organized as a voting bloc, we could defeat the entire premise of the competition between the Dakotas as to which is the most racist. In the 1970s we were forced to take up arms to affirm our right to survival and self-defense, but today the war is one of ideas. We must now stand up to armed oppression and colonization with our bodies and our minds. International law is on our side.

Given the complexion of the three recent federal parolees, it might seem that my greatest crime was being Indian. But the truth is that my gravest offense is my innocence. In Iran, political prisoners are occasionally released if they confess to the ridiculous charges on which they are dragged into court, in order to discredit and intimidate them and other like-minded citizens. The FBI and its mouthpieces have suggested the same, as did the parole commission in 1993, when it ruled that my refusal to confess was grounds for denial of parole.

To claim innocence is to suggest that the government is wrong, if not guilty itself. The American judicial system is set up so that the defendant is not punished for the crime itself, but for refusing to accept whatever plea arrangement is offered and for daring to compel the judicial system to grant the accused the right to right to rebut the charges leveled by the state in an actual trial. Such insolence is punished invariably with prosecution requests for the steepest possible sentence, if not an upward departure from sentencing guidelines that are being gradually discarded, along with the possibility of parole.

As much as non-Natives might hate Indians, we are all in the same boat. To attempt to emulate this system in tribal government is pitiful, to say the least.

It was only this year, in the Troy Davis, case, that the U.S. Supreme Court recognized innocence as a legitimate legal defense. Like the witnesses that were coerced into testifying against me, those that testified against Davis renounced their statements, yet Davis was very nearly put to death. I might have been executed myself by now, had not the government of Canada required a waiver of the death penalty as a condition of extradition.

The old order is aptly represented by Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia, who stated in his dissenting opinion in the Davis case, “This Court has never held that the Constitution forbids the execution of a convicted defendant who has had a full and fair trial but is later able to convince a habeas court that he is 'actually' innocent. Quite to the contrary, we have repeatedly left that question unresolved, while expressing considerable doubt that any claim based on alleged 'actual innocence' is constitutionally cognizable.”

The esteemed Senator from North Dakota, Byron Dorgan, who is now the chairman of the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs, used much the same reasoning in writing that “our legal system has found Leonard Peltier guilty of the crime for which he was charged. I have reviewed the material from the trial, and I believe the verdict was fair and just.”

It is a bizarre and incomprehensible statement to Natives, as well it should be, that innocence and guilt is a mere legal status, not necessarily rooted in material fact. It is a truism that all political prisoners were convicted of the crimes for which they were charged.

The truth is the government wants me to falsely confess in order to validate a rather sloppy frame-up operation, one whose exposure would open the door to an investigation of the United States' role in training and equipping goon squads to suppress a grassroots movement on Pine Ridge against a puppet dictatorship.

In America, there can by definition be no political prisoners, only those duly judged guilty in a court of law. It is deemed too controversial to even publicly contemplate that the federal government might fabricate and suppress evidence to defeat those deemed political enemies. But it is a demonstrable fact at every stage of my case.

I am Barack Obama's political prisoner now, and I hope and pray that he will adhere to the ideals that impelled him to run for president. But as Obama himself would acknowledge, if we are expecting him to solve our problems, we missed the point of his campaign. Only by organizing in our own communities and pressuring our supposed leaders can we bring about the changes that we all so desperately need. Please support the Leonard Peltier Defense Offense Committee in our effort to hold the United States government to its own words.

I thank you all who have stood by me all these years, but to name anyone would be to exclude many more. We must never lose hope in our struggle for freedom.

In the Spirit of Crazy Horse,

Leonard Peltier

#89637-132

USP-Lewisburg

US Penitentiary

PO Box 1000

Lewisburg, PA 17837_________________________________________________________

For more information on Leonard Peltier, visit the Leonard Peltier Defense-Offense Committee website.

Time to learn sign language?

A couple of days ago, I posted a piece by Jim Ridgeway on private soldiers killing U.S. citizens in New Orleans without consequence. Today, I'm offering the full text of a piece by Tom Burghardt that first appeared on Dissident Voice October 12th. Burghardt outlines a scenario that makes Freddy Kreuger look like Shirley Temple. It is yet another example of fascism afoot in the U.S., as electronic handheld devices can now put you in jail.

Battening Down the Hatches: Secret State Monitors Protest, Represses Dissent
by Tom Burghardt

As social networking becomes a dominant feature of daily life, the secret state is increasingly surveilling electronic media for what it euphemistically calls “actionable intelligence.”

Take the case of Elliot Madison. The 41-year-old anarchist was arrested in Pittsburgh September 24 at the height of G20 protests.

Madison, a social worker and volunteer with The People’s Law Collective in New York City, was busted by a combined task force led by the Pennsylvania State Police (PSP) and Pittsburgh’s “finest.” The activist was charged with “hindering apprehension or prosecution, criminal use of a communication facility and possession of instruments of crime,” according to The New York Times.

Did the cops uncover a secret anarchist weapons’ cache? Were Madison and codefendant, Michael Wallschlaeger, a producer with the radio talk show “This Week in Radical History” for the A-Infos Radio Project, about to detonate a “weapon of mass destruction” during last month’s capitalist conclave that witnessed the obscene spectacle of our masters avidly conspiring to impoverish billions of the planet’s inhabitants?

Hardly! In fact, Madison and Wallschlaeger’s “crime” was to set up a communications center in a hotel room that alerted demonstrators to movements by the police, who after all, had viciously attacked protesters–and anyone else nearby–with heavy batons, tear gas and a Long Range Acoustic Device (LRAD), a so-called “non-lethal” weapon.

Kitted-out with police scanners, computers and cell phones, the intrepid activists used a Twitter account to assist protesters eager to elude a thrashing by some 5,000 heavily armed camo-clad cops who had sealed-off downtown Pittsburgh to keep the area safe–from the First Amendment.

National Lawyers Guild on-scene legal observers reported an “unwarranted display and use of force by police in residential neighborhoods, often far from any protest activity.” According to the civil liberties’ watchdog group:

Police deployed chemical irritants, including CS gas, and long-range acoustic devices (LRAD) in residential neighborhoods on narrow streets where families and small children were exposed. Scores of riot police formed barricades at many intersections throughout neighborhoods miles away from the downtown area and the David Lawrence Convention Center. Outside the Courtyard Marriott in Shadyside, police deployed smoke bombs in the absence of protest activity, forcing bystanders and hotel residents to flee the area.

Later, while some protests were ending, riot-clad officers surrounded an area at the University of Pittsburgh, creating an ominous spectacle that some described as akin to Kent State. Guild legal observers witnessed police chasing and arresting many uninvolved students.

Among other questionable tactics, officers from dozens of law enforcement agencies lacked easily-identifiable badges, impeding citizens’ ability to register complaints. (National Lawyers Guild, “National Lawyers Guild Observes Improper Use of Force by Law Enforcement at the G-20,” Press Release, September 25, 2009)

The Times reported that after his arrest the FBI raided the home that Madison shared with his wife, Elena, and conducted an exhaustive 16-hour search of the premises seizing computers, books and a poster (horror of horrors!) of the old mole himself, Karl Marx.

Criminalizing the First Amendment

“Anyone can tweet, but the truth is, sometimes speech can be criminal,” John Burkoff, a professor at the University of Pittsburgh School of Law, told The Pittsburgh Post-Gazette.

By that standard, anyone who has the temerity to question the legitimacy of a system that drives millions into poverty, wages preemptive war to secure (steal) other people’s resources, destroys the environment or uses “speech” to oppose said crimes against humanity–and cheekily urges others to do the same–is, by definition, guilty, in “new normal” America.

Witold Walczak however, the legal director of the Pennsylvania American Civil Liberties Union told the Post-Gazette, “investigating the government and broadcasting information about it would seem to be a constitutionally protected communication.”

The ACLU director elaborated, “If the police want to communicate privately, there are certainly ways to do that, and police radios are not one of those. How can it be a crime? It’s not a secure communication.”

The good professor had another take on the matter and told the Post-Gazette, “Were they sending it to people simply to protest, or to commit further crimes?”

“Further crimes”? What crime? Oh yes, legally protesting the depredations of the capitalist system, that crime!

That such a statement can be uttered by a purported legal expert is rather rich with unintended irony. Burkhoff’s maneuver to cast the best possible light on repressive police operations is all the more absurd given the fact that none other than the Obama administration’s State Department had stepped-in and pressured Twitter to forego a service upgrade, and downtime, just scant months earlier.

But context as they say, is everything. Champions of other people’s freedom (particularly when they are geopolitical rivals), the State Department intervened and told the instant messaging service in no uncertain terms that Iranian protesters relied on Twitter to monitor police movements in Tehran and other cities as protests over disputed elections took center stage in the Islamic Republic.

The New York Times reported back in June that the U.S. State Department “e-mailed the social-networking site Twitter with an unusual request: delay scheduled maintenance of its global network, which would have cut off service while Iranians were using Twitter to swap information and inform the outside world about the mushrooming protests around Tehran.”

According to Reuters, “Confirmation that the U.S. government had contacted Twitter came as the Obama administration sought to avoid suggestions it was meddling in Iran’s internal affairs as the Islamic Republic battled to control deadly street protests over the election result.”

Twitter said in a blog post it had delayed the firm’s planned upgrade because of its role as an “important communication tool in Iran.”

A day earlier, President Obama had said he believed “people’s voices should be heard and not suppressed”–in Iran.

Message to the American people: Official enemy: Twitter good! Official friend (grifting multinational corporations and the criminals who do their bidding in Washington): Twitter bad! How’s that for an imaginative interpretation of the “new media paradigm”!

“Go massive. Sweep it all up. Things related and not."

Echoing the execrable logic of former Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, America’s premier political police force, the FBI, executed a search warrant on Madison that authorized agents to look “for violations of federal rioting laws,” according to the Times.

Madison’s attorney, Martin Stolar, told the Times that “he and a friend were part of a communications network among people protesting the G-20.” Denouncing the raid, Stolar averred that “there’s absolutely nothing that he’s done that should subject him to any criminal liability.”

On October 2, Stolar argued in Federal District Court in Brooklyn “that the warrant was vague and overly broad. Judge Dora L. Irizarry ordered the authorities to stop examining the seized materials until Oct. 16, pending further orders,” the Times reported.

This is not the first time however, that the secret state has sought to curtail text messaging by activists during large-scale demonstrations.

In 2008, as a result of the heavy repression of legal protests–and subsequent lawsuits by victims–during the far-right Republican National Convention in New York City in 2004, lawyers representing N.Y.’s “finest” demanded that M.I.T. graduate student Tad Hirsch and the Institute of Applied Autonomy, the inventors of TXTmob, turn over all “text messages sent via TXTmob during the convention, the date and time of the messages, information about people who sent and received messages, and lists of people who used the service,” The New York Times reported last year.

The FBI however, already possess the technological ability to hack into Wi-fi and computer networks as Wired revealed in April, citing internal Bureau documents released to the magazine under a Freedom of Information Act request.

According to a follow-up story by the publication, the Bureau’s Cryptographic and Electronic Analysis Unit, CEAU, has deployed software called a computer and internet protocol address verifier, or CIPAV, that is “designed to infiltrate a target’s computer and gather a wide range of information, which it secretly sends to an FBI server in eastern Virginia.”

Antifascist Calling reported in 2008, that when a whistleblower, security consultant Babak Pasdar, stepped forward and blew the lid off the Bureau’s massive telecommunications’ surveillance network, the agency’s so-called “Quantico circuit” in Virginia, he revealed that major wireless providers, including AT&T, Sprint and Verizon, had handed the state “unfettered” access to the carrier’s wireless networks, including billing records and customer data “transmitted wirelessly.”

According to Pasdar’s sworn affidavit, Verizon provided the FBI with with real-time access to who is speaking to whom, the time and duration of each call as well as the locations of those so targeted.

The Electronic Frontier Foundation (EFF), the San Francisco-based civil liberties’ watchdog group, has posted Madison’s motion and his attorney’s supporting declaration on their web site. It makes for very interesting reading indeed! According to the search warrant obtained by FBI Special Agent Edward J. Heslin from the U.S. District Court, the FBI were allowed to seize:

Computers, hard-drives, floppy discs and other media used to store computer-accessible information, cellular phones, personal digital assistants, electronic storage devices and related peripherals, black masks and clothing, maps, correspondence and other documents, financial records, notes, ledgers, receipts, papers, photographs, telephone and address books, identification documents, indicia of residency and other documents and records that constitute evidence of the commission of rioting crimes or that are designed or intended as a means of violating the federal rioting laws, including any of the above items that are maintained within other closed or locked containers, including safes and other containers that may be further secured by key locks (or combination locks) of various kinds. (Honorable Viktor V. Pohorelsky, Magistrate Judge to FBI Special Agent Edward J. Heslin, United States District Court, Eastern District of New York, Search Warrant, Case Number M-09-962, September 26, 2009)

Madison’s attorney, Martin Stolar averred that “a number of documents and other properties” seized by the FBI have “nothing to do with the governments investigation into what the search warrant characterizes as violations of ‘federal rioting laws’.”

According to Stolar “the seized items include political writings, notes, political associates and ideas, materials protected by the attorney-client and social work privileges, as well as property belonging to other persons residing in the premises which have no connection to any pending or contemplated criminal investigation.” Stolar declared that “the illegality of the search is in the overbreadth of the seizures and the vagueness of the term ‘federal rioting laws’.”

In other words, driftnet surveillance of American citizens is the norm for our secret state minders; an unambiguous sign of America’s slide into an extra-constitutional police state.

Fusion Centers: Leading the Charge

While Madison and Wallschlaeger’s arrest came as a result of actions undertaken by the Pennsylvania State Police, one cannot rule out that (a) informants had tipped off the cops to the pair’s activities, (b) CEAU had penetrated protest organizer’s computer net and therefore, were well aware of what the duo were up to, or (c) through some combination of the above, the FBI and presumably, their local fusion center allies, alerted PSP who then conducted the raid and shut the anarchist’s communications center down.

Federal Computer Week noted September 30, that the Department of Homeland Security “is establishing a new office to coordinate its intelligence-sharing efforts in state and local intelligence fusion centers,” and that the secret state’s new “Joint Fusion Center Program Management Office will be part of DHS’ Office of Intelligence and Analysis.”

Among other things, the publication revealed that DHS Secretary Janet Napolitano said the new office will:

• Develop ways to assess threats and trends by gathering, analyzing and sharing local and national information and intelligence through fusion centers.

• Coordinate with state, local and tribal law enforcement leaders to ensure that DHS is providing the correct resources to fusion centers.

• Promote a sense of common mission and purpose at fusion centers through training and other support. (Ben Bain, “DHS established new office for intelligence-sharing centers,” Federal Computer Week, September 30, 2009)

Since Bushist–and now, Obama–securocrats designated fusion centers “a central node for the federal government’s efforts for sharing terrorism-related information with state and local officials,” the federal government has pumped some $327 million in taxpayer-funded largesse into these spooky “public-private partnerships.”

In Pennsylvania for example, the Criminal Intelligence Center (PaCIC), is described by the Electronic Privacy Information Center (EPIC) as a “component of the Pennsylvania State Police.”

Washington Post investigative journalist Robert O’Harrow Jr., the author of No Place to Hide, revealed that “Pennsylvania buys credit reports and uses face-recognition software to examine driver’s license photos” and have “subscriptions to private information-broker services that keep records about Americans’ locations, financial holdings, associates, relatives, firearms licenses and the like.”

One can only wonder whether these or other intrusive surveillance tools, including the CEAU’s CIPAV software were deployed against Madison and Wallschlaeger prior to their Pittsburgh arrest.

But gathering information on fusion centers is often an exercise in Kafkaesque futility. Investigative journalist G.W. Schulz reported that when the Center for Investigative Reporting (CIR) attempted to obtain information from the Colorado Information Analysis Center on that state’s fusion center, they ran into a brick wall.

CIAC spokesperson Lance Clem refused to release what should be public documents to CIR claiming that releasing the records would be “contrary to the public interest” and “not only would compromise [the] security and investigative practices of numerous law enforcement agencies but would also violate confidentiality agreements that have been made with private partner organizations and federal, state and local law enforcement agencies.”

As of this writing, it cannot be determined with any certainty what role the Pennsylvania Criminal Intelligence Center played in repressing G20 protests. However, if past fusion center practices in Denver and St. Paul during last year’s Democratic and Republican National Conventions are any guide, their management of pre-G20 intelligence along with their federal partners, was in all probability considerable.

One lesson that can be gleaned however, from the federal witch hunt targeting activists Elliot Madison and Michael Wallschlaeger, is that dissent in post-9/11 America, as during the COINTELPRO-era of the 1960s and ’70s, has been criminalized.

___________________________________________________

To learn more about Tom Burghardt and read more of his work, visit his website at Antifascist Calling.

The Hidden History of Katrina

In the interest of priming the pump, as it were, after a few months of spending virtually all of my time elsewhere, I'm going to post some excellent and important things that other people have written. Hopefully, this will begin the process of getting me over whatever block I've been up against and bring my readers back so that I can re-establish that connection. I've missed you more than I can say.

The first piece I've chosen is by author and activist Jim Ridgeway, who is currently the Senior Washington Correspondent for Mother Jones magazine and has been around even longer than I have, which is saying something. I began communicating with Jim about a solitary confinement watch project and wound up reading the following on his blog, Unsilent Generation. He was kind enough to allow it's re-posting here. Prepare to be aghast. Once more.

The Hidden History of Katrina*
by James Ridgeway

Confronted with images of corpses floating in the blackened floodwaters or baking in the sun on abandoned highways, there aren’t too many people left who see what happened following Hurricane Katrina as a purely “natural” disaster. The dominant narratives that have emerged, in the four years since the storm, are of a gross human tragedy, compounded by social inequities and government ineptitude—a crisis subsequently exploited in every way possible for political and financial gain.

But there’s an even harsher truth, one some New Orleans residents learned in the very first days but which is only beginning to become clear to the rest of us: What took place in this devastated American city was no less than a war, in which victims whose only crimes were poverty and blackness were treated as enemies of the state.

It started immediately after the storm and flood hit, when civilian aid was scarce—but private security forces already had boots on the ground. Some, like Blackwater (which has since redubbed itself Xe), were under federal contract, while a host of others answered to wealthy residents and businessmen who had departed well before Katrina and needed help protecting their property from the suffering masses left behind. According Jeremy Scahill’s reporting in The Nation, Blackwater set up an HQ in downtown New Orleans. Armed as they would be in Iraq, with automatic rifles, guns strapped to legs, and pockets overflowing with ammo, Blackwater contractors drove around in SUVs and unmarked cars with no license plates.

“When asked what authority they were operating under,” Scahill reported, “one guy said, ‘We’re on contract with the Department of Homeland Security.’ Then, pointing to one of his comrades, he said, ‘He was even deputized by the governor of the state of Louisiana. We can make arrests and use lethal force if we deem it necessary.’ The man then held up the gold Louisiana law enforcement badge he wore around his neck.”

The Blackwater operators described their mission in New Orleans as “securing neighborhoods,” as if they were talking about Sadr City. When National Guard troops descended on the city, the Army Times described their role as fighting “the insurgency in the city.” Brigadier Gen. Gary Jones, who commanded the Louisiana National Guard’s Joint Task Force, told the paper, “This place is going to look like Little Somalia. We’re going to go out and take this city back. This will be a combat operation to get this city under control.”

Ten days after the storm, the New York Times reported that although the city was calm with no signs of looting (though it acknowledged this had taken place previously), “New Orleans has turned into an armed camp, patrolled by thousands of local, state, and federal law enforcement officers, as well as National Guard troops and active-duty soldiers.” The local police superintendent ordered all weapons, including legally registered firearms, confiscated from civilians. But as the Times noted, that order didn’t “apply to hundreds of security guards hired by businesses and some wealthy individuals to protect property…[who] openly carry M-16’s and other assault rifles.” Scahill spoke to Michael Montgomery, the chief of security for one wealthy businessman who said his men came under fire from “black gangbangers” near the Ninth Ward. Armed with AR-15s and Glocks, Montgomery and his men “unleashed a barrage of bullets in the general direction of the alleged shooters on the overpass. ‘After that, all I heard was moaning and screaming, and the shooting stopped. That was it. Enough said.’”

Malik Rahim, a Vietnam veteran and longtime community activist, was one of the organizers of the Common Ground Collective, which quickly began dispensing basic aid and medical care in the first days after the hurricane. But far from aiding the relief workers, Rahim told me this week, the police and troops who began patrolling the streets treated them as criminals or “insurgents.” African American men caught outside also ran the risk of crossing paths with roving vigilante patrols who shot at will, he says. In this dangerous environment, Common Ground began to rely on white volunteers to move through a city that had simply become too perilous for blacks.

In July, the local television station WDSU released a home video, taken shortly after the storm hit, of a local man, Paul Gleason, who bragged to two police officers about shooting looters in the Algiers section of New Orleans.

“Did you have any problems with looters,” asked an officer.

“Not anymore,” said Gleason.

“Not anymore?”

“They’re all dead,” said Gleason.

The officer asked, “What happened?”

“We shot them,” said Gleason.

“How many did you shoot?

“Thirty-eight.”

“Thirty-eight people? What did you do with the bodies?”

“We gave them to the Coast Guard,” said Gleason.

Gleason told his story with a cup of red wine in one hand and riding a tractor from Blaine Kern’s Mardi Gras World.

Although the government’s aid efforts were in chaos, those involved in the self-generated community rescue and relief efforts were often seen as a threat. Even so, Common Ground, founded in the days after Katrina hit, eventually managed to serve more than half a million people, operating feeding stations, opening free health and legal clinics, and later rebuilding homes and planting trees. But they “never got a dime” from the federal government, says Rahim. The FBI did, however, recruit one of Common Ground’s founders, Brandon Darby, as an informant, later using him to infiltrate groups planning actions at the 2008 Republican National Convention.

And while the government couldn’t seem to keep people from dying on rooftops or abandoned highways, it wasted no time building a temporary jail in New Orleans.

Burl Cain, the warden of the notorious Angola Prison, a former slave plantation that’s now home to 5,000 inmates, was rushed down to the city to oversee “Camp Greyhound” in the city’s bus terminal. According to the New Orleans Times-Picayune, the jail “was constructed by inmates from Angola and Dixon state prisons and was outfitted with everything a stranded law enforcer could want, including top-of-the-line recreational vehicles to live in and electrical power, courtesy of a yellow Amtrak locomotive. There are computers to check suspects’ backgrounds and a mug shot station—complete with heights marked in black on the wall that serves as the backdrop.”

In the virtual martial law imposed in New Orleans after Katrina, the war on the poor sometimes even spilled over into the war on terror. In his latest book Zeitoun, published in July, Dave Eggers tells the story of a local Syrian immigrant who stayed in New Orleans to protect his properties and ended up organizing makeshift relief efforts and rescuing people in a canoe. He continued right up until he was arrested by a group of unidentified, heavily armed men in uniform, thrown into Camp Greyhound, and questioned as a suspected terrorist. In an interview with Salon, Eggers said:

Zeitoun was among thousands of people who were doing “Katrina time” after the storm. There was a complete suspension of all legal processes and there were no hearings, no courts for months and months and not enough folks in the judicial system really seemed all that concerned about it. Some human-rights activists and some attorneys, but otherwise it seemed to be the cost of doing business. It really could have only happened at that time; 2005 was just the exact meeting place of the Bush-era philosophy towards law enforcement and incarceration, their philosophy toward habeas corpus and their neglect and indifference to the plight of New Orleanians.

Through all the time that the federal and local governments, in concert with wealthy New Orleanians, were pitching their battle, there was virtually no one fighting on the other side. Reviewing the “available evidence” a month after Katrina, the New York Times concluded that “the most alarming stories that coursed through the city appear to be little more than figments of frightened imaginations.” The reports of residents firing at National Guard helicopters, of tourists being robbed and raped on Bourbon Street, and of murderous rampages in the Superdome—all turned out to be false.

But the truth of what happened in New Orleans—vigilantism and racially tinged violence, a military response that supplanted a humanitarian one—is equally sinister.
__________________________________________________
*For links, see the original posting at Unsilent Generation.

Ayieeee!

A close friend of mine is on her last day of a vision quest. I have not seen her in the flesh since Thursday, but my heart has followed her every breath. It has -- mercifully -- not rained since she began. At least not here. And the last two days have even been sunny, though colder than we've been having since last winter, which means that the nights are cold, indeed.

I worried at first.

"Is she warm enough?" I asked the sky.

The sky responded, "She never minds the cold." And I know this is true.

I have sung to the Universe for her and helped with all the other spirits who walk this with her to lift her up onto the altar of her resolve. I have sent her the strength I have to spare and trust her will to do the rest.

At one point, as I was walking outside, a stone that had been calling to me for weeks said, "Pick me up."

This happens to me sometimes. Not often. Even rarely. But from time to time over the years, what I've been told are Grandfather stones call out to me and I now have seventeen of them in a circle. They talk to each other about how I'm doing and what I should do and how to get me to do it.

The stone that called to me Friday morning is slightly larger than most of the others, smooth and flat and softly gray, like a cloud not full of water yet, but thinking about it. When I brought it in, I laid it in the middle of the circle of the other stones, something I'd never done before. A while later, it came to me that the stone represents my friend and placing it in the circle has surrounded her with my grandfathers while she dreams.

Last night, walking through the living room, I saw her lying on her side on my couch, warm and safe and oblivious to anything but her unfolding.

When she comes back to us, I will see her again with my eyes. I have thought much about what gift to give her on her return, what token to mark the journey she has walked this amazing weekend. And it turns out that it is this post (after so long not writing), this poem -- to her, to all women who walk the old ways, to friendship and sisterhood and love between all of us who long to be a part of the healing of our planet, our people, and ourselves.

May the vision you sought and found (I'm sure), my sister, continue to teach and guide you all the rest of your days on Mother Earth, feeding and sustaining your soul as you teach the rest of us what we come to you to learn.

The sun is rising now and your spirit rises with it, as I knew it would. God in me recognizes God in you. Thank you for being who you are.

Surviving Angola!

If I wasn't working impossibly hard most days of every week (even my students -- a third my age -- ask me incredulously how I do it), I'd feel guilty about not blogging for an entire month. It's not that I don't have stuff to blog about. That's endless. But I've been neck-deep in a project some students and I have been putting together and that's what this post is about.

As you know, if you're a regular reader (when I am posting more often), I have become increasingly committed to a campaign to free Albert "Shaka" Woodfox and Herman "Hooks" Wallace, the remaining two incarcerated members of the Angola 3, who have been in solitary confinement in Louisiana for more than 37 years (with a short break last year when Rep. John Conyers, Chair of the United States House of Representatives Judiciary Committee, showed up at Angola). Not only do I blog about them, I talk about them. Daily. Multiple times. Many references. In class; out of class. In front of community groups. Casually to my friends, who have long since learned to accept it. So it was hardly shocking that the student club I advise became committed to the campaign, as well.

The result will be a huge campus event this coming Thursday, when Billy X Jennings and Malik Rahim (Panthers during the 1970's) will show the new VH1 documentary on the history of the Black Panther Party and then answer questions afterward; artist Jackie Sumell will show some documentary snips related to The House That Herman Built, a project she and Herman Wallace have kicked off; and author and activist Robert King, the Angola 3 member who won his release on bogus charges in 2001 after himself spending 29 years in solitary confinement, will speak. While all that is going on, a mock cell in the Student Union breezeway will invite students to experience the size of the space the Angola 3 call their universe, an Angola 3 and Black Panther Party historical exhibit will be presented, state-of-the-art homemade jambalaya will be served and a reggae/ska band out of New Orleans called Big, Fat and Delicious will play. The students wanted to call for justice, but they also wanted to celebrate the survival of these three remarkable men. So it's gonna be a par-tay!

Since I haven't met the national campaign team as yet, this is extremely exciting to me personally and I know how much it means to Shaka and Hooks. It's also wonderful to see students who are often drowning under school and work demands take off and run with an activist action like this. I already know what I'm going to blog about next (think next week-end...maybe, depending on whether or not visiting opens back up at Angola, where one of the prisoners decided to go on vacation the other day, shutting the place down).

And in the meantime, if you and yours would like to do something in solidarity with us on Thursday, September 17th, check out the newest Angola 3 website and go from there. See you in the street!

Black August and the Angola 3

Little did I know, back in 1970, when I entered the Black Panther Party headquarters in Oakland, California, with Eric, a red-headed Berkeley Barb reporter friend of mine (I was writing for the San Francisco Good Times myself), that when Eric went into the inner sanctum, leaving me to wait in the front office with three of the angriest looking and most silent Black men I've ever seen, he was going back there to talk with one of the most famous men in the world at that time. Huey P. Newton had just come out of prison to an organization that had waited for his release like a blushing bride. Jonathan Jackson -- only seventeen years old -- had just been shot down in an attempt to free his incarcerated older brother, George, whose book Soledad Brother had just hit the stands. And the place I stood was surely the center of the radical political world just then. It fairly boggles my mind to look back on it now and realize.

But I, being a middle-class White woman from the midwest who had just "dropped out" that spring and, at twenty-four, was somewhat older than many of those who were "on the road," was clueless. I had come to San Francisco like so many others, following I didn't know what. And because of my newspaper paste-up skills, I lucked into a prime spot in a long standing underground newspaper collective on Bush Street in the Fillmore. But while my intelligence and unapologetic nature (I hadn't dropped out to make nice) took me to some interesting places (like the Panther Party office), I was a blank slate when I got there and didn't even know it.

In fact, I'm only just now -- thirty-nine years later -- putting all the pieces together. And it's an impressive image, indeed.

It isn't that I hadn't already learned a few things about the BPP. I mean, I've been studying African-American/European-American relations -- formally or informally -- since I was in high school. I spent years in the prison abolition movement after I left San Francisco. I've been teaching racial and ethnic relations in universities for more than two decades, where I've been described by my students as "a flaming radical." I have a bi-racial daughter who's twenty-eight years old. I've been blogging on "the socially-constructed, political notion of 'race'" for nearly four years. And the more I learn, the more I get to learn (if this makes no sense to you, just keep learning till it does -- and it will).

I learned along the route, for example, that the Panthers started the breakfast program that virtually every public school in the U.S. now offers. I've shown "Passin' It On" in God knows how many classrooms by now, so I knew that the BPP had organized a lot of other social service programs, as well, all while being viciously attacked on every side by every imaginable law enforcement body in the country, including a couple that were developed just for them. And I didn't see anything in the Panther's Ten Point Plan that sounded insane to me, given the way African-Americans have continued to be brutalized and exploited for five hundred years by the establishment in this country.

I mean, once you understand that Black men are statistically FAR more likely to be stopped, to be rousted, to be charged with something, and to be arrested; to have the charges pressed by the local prosecutors and then to be convicted of those charges (appropriately or not) and to be sentenced to prison or jail for long periods for things White men wouldn't have been stopped for in the first place, then #9 doesn't seem unreasonable. After all, the criminal just-us sytem has always been one of the primary tools of exploitation used against Blacks, since under the 13th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, anyone "duly convicted" of a crime (whether they did it or not) can be forced into virtual slavery.

And when you note that #7 calls for the stopping of all police brutality against any oppressed person, then you've come face to face with the reality that the Black Panthers never hated White people. They hated oppression. And unless you're prepared to argue that Black folks should accept oppression based on the color of their skin or you think police ought to have carte blanche to harass, torture, or even kill (accidentally or otherwise) poor and powerless people whenever they please without any responsibility whatsoever, then I'd assume you agree.

To what do I owe my new, improved awareness? As always, it seems the Universe packaged me up a very nearly overwhelming assortment of goodies to blow my mind (or what's left of it) one more time. For one thing, I've been talking with some VERY bright and VERY committed individuals connected to the campaign to free the last two members of the Angola 3, Albert "Shaka" "Cinque" Woodfox and Herman "Hooks" Wallace, who have now been held in solitary confinement here in Louisiana for more than 37 years -- for being Black Panthers. And I've begun to have phone conversations with Woodfox himself on a regular basis, as well.

So I just brushed off the demonization the Powers-That-Be have used in the media where the Panthers were concerned. And I painted a picture in my mind that was full of happy pancake-fed kiddies wearing cute little berets and little old ladies being accompanied to the store on check day and free clinics providing medical care for poor people regardless of their "race." As a sociologist, I know damned well that humans are just not that tidy. But J. Edgar Hoover wanted to see -- and portray -- the Black Panthers as a handful of rabidly violent Communists who were committed to overthrowing the government (something they never called for, though they felt pretty strongly about a badly needed overhaul). And I, on the other hand, wanted to see them as idealistic inner city superheroes with a spatula in one hand and a diaper in the other. While I knew Hoover was wrong-headed -- and for all the obvious reasons -- I have recently learned that there was MUCH I didn't understand before now about this highly complex and absolutely serious body of young Black warriors, a number of whom were prepared to die for the cause and some of whom did.

Then, I've read the award-winning new book, From the Bottom of the Heap, by Robert King, the third member of the Angola 3, who won his freedom from the Louisiana state prison system in 2001 after 27 years in solitary confinement for crimes he didn't commit. I also read the 90-page precurser to Orissa Arend's book -- just out -- entitled Showdown in Desire: the Black Panthers Take a Stand in New Orleans (which is on its way to me even as I write). I'm nearly done reading The Shadow of the Panther: Huey Newton and the Price of Black Power in America by Hugh Pearson, who in the name of being "unbiased," sometimes appears to be somewhat anti-Newton'esque, but has unquestionably done all his homework. (If everything in that book is the truth, I can't imagine how he got all those details, though he offers more than fifty pages of notes at the book's end to tell me, I guess, if I was serious about wanting to know.)

I've watched a whole string of videos and movies, including, for example, "Black August," an excellent film that came out in 2007 about revolutionary writer George Jackson, who was shot to death inside San Quentin Penitentiary in an alleged escape attempt. And, of course, I've been all over the internet, including a mind-bending site called It's About Time. I can guarantee that if you follow in my footsteps, your mind will get boggled, too, one way or the other.

Regardless, what I slowly, but surely came to understand was that the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense was conceived to be and called by such Party leaders as Fred Hampton, Sr., who was mercilessly murdered in his bed by "law enforcement officers" at the age of 21, "the revolutionary vanguard." A revolutionary vanguard sacrifices itself to organize and raise the consciousness of the mass population so that it will rise up to act in its own best interests against entrenched oppression. I had heard Hampton talk about "the vanguard" in his speeches. Hell, I had posted his words on this blog. But apparently, it didn't compute.

I was a child of the sixties, you must remember. We not only used the word "revolution" routinely, but in a whole gamut of different applications. People would come to blows over arguments about whether Trotsky or Lenin got it right theoretically, for goodness' sake. And in the end, what did it matter? Drugs were the new chocolate anyway. Rank strangers passing joints of marijuana with deadpan faces would have conversations about what things would be like "after the revolution." And women were being sucker-punched into casual sex to prove their commitment to some horny guy's version of touted revolutionary ideals. (Lest you see this as stupid, consider the fact that once, when I impulsively had sex with one of the men in our collective who had a steady girlfriend who was also a collective member, my report on his lack of prowess in bed became the topic of a discussion behind his back out of concern that her probable lack of sexual satisfaction might give an opportunistic government agent access to inside information about us through her...!)

I somehow understood that Newton, Hampton, Cleaver, Carmichael and others meant what they said, but by the time I heard them say it, it was so long after the fact that Hampton and Newton were dead and Cleaver had become a "born again" Christian and conservative Republican. So I spun their speeches as nostalgia, appropriate only to the context of a time when we were all a little "crazy," but not wrong.

What I forgot, though, was that I wasn't raised as an African-American in a country where the default position is White Supremacy. The Panthers were not being rhetorical. They were fighting for their lives and the lives of their people. Duh.

Further, the Panthers were prepared and committed not only to fight on the side of right and lead others to do so, but to lead by example. That's a helluva thing, if you think about it. If you're the only one who's keeping tabs on you, then you can let yourself off the hook from time to time, as the occasion calls for it. You can make up your own rules as you go along. But, if you say publically, "Follow me," then you have no wiggle room without failing to keep your stated commitment. Whew!

Some of the Panthers and some of their leadership will go down in history as doing some bad, bad things. Not just illegal things, you understand, but some uncool stuff. We know about it because, by and large, they did what they did right out there on front street. But they saw themselves as at war -- a war they could not win, but were committed to fight. In her book on the showdown in the Desire Project in New Orleans between the Panthers and the police, Orissa Arend talks about how some young soldiers wept as they went about the work of preparing for what they assumed was probably going to be the day of their death. Sad. Scared. And committed to demonstrate by example how to take a stand to defend yourself and your community -- no matter what the cost.

The Panther Party members were dead serious and they were not alone. There were rich, White, educated people totally in agreement with the idea that we need a whole new system based on justice and equal opportunity for all. But they could move through their lives unmolested by those who had the power to define. They could stand around chatting amicably with BPP leadership, maybe even hand them a gigantic check once a month, and then get in their cars and go home, knowing they would not be drugged and shot to death in their sleep.

Oh, there was the Weather Underground, all right (the Weathermen taking their name from the line in Bob Dylan's song, "You don't need a weatherman to know which way the wind blows"). And there are no-doubt-about-it revolutionaries that look like me all over the world, including in the U.S. even now, some of them doing time right along side their Black compatriots. But one of the reasons the Weathermen could remain underground for more than a decade was that White folks got it like that in this country. And Black folks don't.

As it finally dawned on me last week how serious the Black Panther Party had been about its agenda and I matched that with the balls-to-the-wall commitment of those with the power in this society to stop African-Americans from achieving full citizenship at all cost, it scared the socks off me. While I was putting out a newspaper in San Francisco or organizing prisoners to stop the violence against each other so they could be empowered toward self-determination, the Panthers were at war.

And so, apparently, was the government.

Even now, in 2009, counter-intelligence program-style tactics are used to maintain control over and within the Black community and to manipulate the media. When "Shaka" Woodfox's conviction was over-turned (for the second time) last year and the judge was about to set bail so that he would be released after four decades in solitary confinement, Louisiana Attorney General Buddy Caldwell released false information to the media that Woodfox is a convicted rapist. The community Shaka was headed for balked, of course, and the judge acted accordingly, leaving Shaka locked in a cell for 23 hours a day doing dead time indefinitely when he has the legal right to be free.

Shaka issued a statement immediately that rape charges were, in fact, added to his record in his youth, but that it was done at a time when this was the method of choice for clearing the books of unsolved crimes while creating increased leverage over young Black men in jail. The charges would be brought, but never pressed because there was literally no connection whatsoever between the crime and the person being charged. Not only was there no follow-up on these rape charges against Shaka back when they were originally filed, but once the judge had decided not to award bail last fall, nothing further was said about the charges then either. The point is that the Attorney General had no intention of pushing these bogus charges, but the damage done by them to Woodfox's reputation in the media and in the courts at such a pivotal moment was quintessentially effective. So Cointelpro is, for all practical purposes, still alive and well, though it has long since been dissolved for being illegal. Why am I not surprised?

In any case, for thirty-nine years, I've seen myself as down for life in my commitment to social change across the board and around the world, but to commit to being a member of a vanguard? Never did that. Not even close. Inched up on it a few times. Talked a good game. And jumped in -- every once in a while -- where not only angels, but damned fools would fear to tread. Nevertheless, though I'm confident we all have it in us to defend ourselves under just the right circumstances, members of a vanguard make the circumstances. And therein lies the difference.

So this post is dedicated to the revolutionary vanguard who, flawed as they were (and they were), will go down in history with the Gabriel Prossers, the Nat Turners, the John Browns, and the Harriet Tubmans. Some died and some didn't. Some distinguished themselves as heroes and some were, on some levels, at least, infamous. But they were willing and that willingness is what tells the tale in the end. That willingness is the sunrise of hope -- however desperate -- that we can somehow implement a new dawn of freedom and justice for the human race where life is more important than money and peace is ultimately attainable through mutual respect for all people.

1966: (in back, left to right) Elbert "Big Man" Howard, Huey Newton, Sherman Forte, Bobby Seale; (in front) Reggie Forte, Little Bobby Hutton

My last post was at least partly about a man who sits on a bridge every day, come hell or high water, and reminds passers-by that the Black man has survived. The Black man -- and woman -- have survived, I would suggest, because of the revolutionary vanguard that has existed since the first African was kidnapped and worked to death wherever he or she was taken. Yes, more than a few bodies, minds, and even spirits have been broken. But what sociologist Emile Durkheim called "the collective consciousness" -- that combined and amazing amalgamation of Truth and Identity that humans carry and share as humans and, in this case, as African people of this nation and the world -- wounded as it has been, survives yet in all its courageous richness.

Consequently, the prisoners in the belly of the beast created a living memorial to their collective consciousness, the revolutionary vanguard, some twenty plus years ago and they call it Black August. Because the first African slaves arrived in the Western Hemisphere in August of 1619; because the slaves in Haiti rose up against their oppressors in August of 1791; because Gabriel Prosser's slave revolt was discovered in August of 1800; because Nat Turner's slave revolt occurred in August of 1831; because the Underground Railroad was officially established in August of 1850; because Marcus Garvey was born in August of 1887; because Russell "Maroon" Shoatz was born in August of 1943; because Fred Hampton, Sr., was born in August of 1948; because Dr. Mutulu Shakur was born in August of 1949; because the March on Washington was in August of 1963; because the Watts Rebellion was in August of 1965; because the FBI circulated an internal order to "disrupt" Black Liberation groups in August of 1967; because the Courthouse Slave Rebellion (involving Jonathan Jackson, William Christmas, James McClain and Ruchell "Cinque" Magee) occurred in August of 1970; because the capital of New Afrika was attacked by the FBI and police in August of 1971; because George Jackson was assassinated in August of 1971; because Jalil Muntaqim and Nuh Washington were captured in August of 1971; because the police raided MOVE in August of 1978; and because Mumia Abu Jamal was scheduled for execution in August of 1995, though resistance stopped the execution. Some prisoners fast during daylight hours for the whole month of August to increase their level of discipline and re-commit themselves to the five hundred year struggle of African-Americans to be free.

Taken in the context of the Black Panther Party's spirit as the revolutionary vanguard to lead the rest of us, their brothers and sisters of all hues, into the promised land of self-determination and personal responsibility to the greater community that is the human race (past, present and future), it is no wonder that the Attorney General of the State of Louisiana called Albert Woodfox the most dangerous man in the world. It is not because "Shaka" Woodfox and "Hooks" Wallace are violent people. Quite to the contrary, they were actually originally targeted by the prison administration for stopping the prisoner-to-prisoner violence and rape that was making Angola a hell on earth for those incarcerated there. Rather than being violent, they put their lives on the line to prevent violence. What galled the administration about this so much was that, aside from the money they were losing through the cessation of vice and corruption on the prison yard (which was bad enough, in their eyes), they no longer felt that they were in control.

So they attacked and have continued to attack with all they have ever since. Rather than buckling under the pressure of four decades of vicious brutality, however, Woodfox, Wallace and King -- the Angola 3 -- have given not one inch. Even when told that they could be released, if they would only disavow their Black Panther principles and "take Jesus as their savior," they stood their ground, though it only measures 6 feet wide and 9 feet long. This continued resistance makes them frightening, indeed, to men who are so dead inside that they must inflict pain on others to feel anything at all themselves.

Black Panther Party members, as the revolutionary vanguard, sought to defend themselves in a nation committed to violently attacking people of color and, most particularly, African-Americans, wherever they raise their heads in the attempt to achieve full citizenship manifested as freedom, justice, and economic parity in the land of their birth. Frantz Fanon reminded us that the oppressed try everything else first, but that if the oppressor maintains its power through violence, then the oppressed may eventually choose similarly to defend themselves as a group or as individual representatives of that group also with violence.

These attempts of the oppressed to defend themselves are invariably and perhaps, necessarily seen by the oppressor as threats to the "social order" and the status quo wherein those with privilege through power continue to enjoy control over their own and others' destinies. Those who would suggest that the oppressed should simply suffer in peace either are not similarly suffering or, alternately, fear the oppressor. Either way, the revolutionary vanguard would remind them that no people will ever allow themselves to be oppressed forever and wherever we find oppression, we will find social conflict.